FIRST DAYS AT HULL-HOUSE
The next January found Miss Starr
and myself in Chicago, searching for a neighborhood
in which we might put our plans into execution.
In our eagerness to win friends for the new undertaking,
we utilized every opportunity to set forth the meaning
of the Settlement as it had been embodied at Toynbee
Hall, although in those days we made no appeal for
money, meaning to start with our own slender resources.
From the very first the plan received courteous attention,
and the discussion, while often skeptical, was always
friendly. Professor Swing wrote a commendatory
column in the Evening Journal, and our early speeches
were reported quite out of proportion to their worth.
I recall a spirited evening at the home of Mrs. Wilmarth,
which was attended by that renowned scholar, Thomas
Davidson, and by a young Englishman who was a member
of the then new Fabian society and to whom a peculiar
glamour was attached because he had scoured knives
all summer in a camp of high-minded philosophers in
the Adirondacks. Our new little plan met with
criticism, not to say disapproval, from Mr. Davidson,
who, as nearly as I can remember, called it “one
of those unnatural attempts to understand life through
cooperative living.”
It was in vain we asserted that the
collective living was not an essential part of the
plan, that we would always scrupulously pay our own
expenses, and that at any moment we might decide to
scatter through the neighborhood and to live in separate
tenements; he still contended that the fascination
for most of those volunteering residence would lie
in the collective living aspect of the Settlement.
His contention was, of course, essentially sound;
there is a constant tendency for the residents to
“lose themselves in the cave of their own companionship,”
as the Toynbee Hall phrase goes, but on the other
hand, it is doubtless true that the very companionship,
the give and take of colleagues, is what tends to
keep the Settlement normal and in touch with “the
world of things as they are.” I am happy
to say that we never resented this nor any other difference
of opinion, and that fifteen years later Professor
Davidson handsomely acknowledged that the advantages
of a group far outweighed the weaknesses he had early
pointed out. He was at that later moment sharing
with a group of young men, on the East Side of New
York, his ripest conclusions in philosophy and was
much touched by their intelligent interest and absorbed
devotion. I think that time has also justified
our early contention that the mere foothold of a house,
easily accessible, ample in space, hospitable and
tolerant in spirit, situated in the midst of the large
foreign colonies which so easily isolate themselves
in American cities, would be in itself a serviceable
thing for Chicago. I am not so sure that we
succeeded in our endeavors “to make social intercourse
express the growing sense of the economic unity of
society and to add the social function to democracy”.
But Hull-House was soberly opened on the theory that
the dependence of classes on each other is reciprocal;
and that as the social relation is essentially a reciprocal
relation, it gives a form of expression that has peculiar
value.
In our search for a vicinity in which
to settle we went about with the officers of the compulsory
education department, with city missionaries, and
with the newspaper reporters whom I recall as a much
older set of men than one ordinarily associates with
that profession, or perhaps I was only sent out with
the older ones on what they must all have considered
a quixotic mission. One Sunday afternoon in the
late winter a reporter took me to visit a so-called
anarchist sunday school, several of which were to
be found on the northwest side of the city. The
young man in charge was of the German student type,
and his face flushed with enthusiasm as he led the
children singing one of Koerner’s poems.
The newspaperman, who did not understand German, asked
me what abominable stuff they were singing, but he
seemed dissatisfied with my translation of the simple
words and darkly intimated that they were “deep
ones,” and had probably “fooled”
me. When I replied that Koerner was an ardent
German poet whose songs inspired his countrymen to
resist the aggressions of Napoleon, and that his bound
poems were found in the most respectable libraries,
he looked at me rather askance and I then and there
had my first intimation that to treat a Chicago man,
who is called an anarchist, as you would treat any
other citizen, is to lay yourself open to deep suspicion.
Another Sunday afternoon in the early
spring, on the way to a Bohemian mission in the carriage
of one of its founders, we passed a fine old house
standing well back from the street, surrounded on
three sides by a broad piazza, which was supported
by wooden pillars of exceptionally pure Corinthian
design and proportion. I was so attracted by
the house that I set forth to visit it the very next
day, but though I searched for it then and for several
days after, I could not find it, and at length I most
reluctantly gave up the search.
Three weeks later, with the advice
of several of the oldest residents of Chicago, including
the ex-mayor of the city, Colonel Mason, who had from
the first been a warm friend to our plans, we decided
upon a location somewhere near the junction of Blue
Island Avenue, Halsted Street, and Harrison Street.
I was surprised and overjoyed on the very first day
of our search for quarters to come upon the hospitable
old house, the quest for which I had so recently abandoned.
The house was of course rented, the lower part of
it used for offices and storerooms in connection with
a factory that stood back of it. However, after
some difficulties were overcome, it proved to be possible
to sublet the second floor and what had been a large
drawing-room on the first floor.
The house had passed through many
changes since it had been built in 1856 for the homestead
of one of Chicago’s pioneer citizens, Mr. Charles
J. Hull, and although battered by its vicissitudes,
was essentially sound. Before it had been occupied
by the factory, it had sheltered a second-hand furniture
store, and at one time the Little Sisters of the Poor
had used it for a home for the aged. It had
a half-skeptical reputation for a haunted attic, so
far respected by the tenants living on the second floor
that they always kept a large pitcher full of water
on the attic stairs. Their explanation of this
custom was so incoherent that I was sure it was a
survival of the belief that a ghost could not cross
running water, but perhaps that interpretation was
only my eagerness for finding folklore.
The fine old house responded kindly
to repairs, its wide hall and open fireplace always
insuring it a gracious aspect. Its generous
owner, Miss Helen Culver, in the following spring gave
us a free leasehold of the entire house. Her
kindness has continued through the years until the
group of thirteen buildings, which at present comprises
our equipment, is built largely upon land which Miss
Culver has put at the service of the Settlement which
bears Mr. Hull’s name. In those days the
house stood between an undertaking establishment and
a saloon. “Knight, Death and the Devil,”
the three were called by a Chicago wit, and yet any
mock heroics which might be implied by comparing the
Settlement to a knight quickly dropped away under the
genuine kindness and hearty welcome extended to us
by the families living up and down the street.
We furnished the house as we would
have furnished it were it in another part of the city,
with the photographs and other impedimenta we had
collected in Europe, and with a few bits of family
mahogany. While all the new furniture which was
bought was enduring in quality, we were careful to
keep it in character with the fine old residence.
Probably no young matron ever placed her own things
in her own house with more pleasure than that with
which we first furnished Hull-House. We believed
that the Settlement may logically bring to its aid
all those adjuncts which the cultivated man regards
as good and suggestive of the best of the life of
the past.
On the 18th of September, 1889, Miss
Starr and I moved into it, with Miss Mary Keyser,
who began performing the housework, but who quickly
developed into a very important factor in the life
of the vicinity as well as that of the household,
and whose death five years later was most sincerely
mourned by hundreds of our neighbors.
In our enthusiasm over “settling,”
the first night we forgot not only to lock but to
close a side door opening on Polk Street, and we were
much pleased in the morning to find that we possessed
a fine illustration of the honesty and kindliness
of our new neighbors.
Our first guest was an interesting
young woman who lived in a neighboring tenement, whose
widowed mother aided her in the support of the family
by scrubbing a downtown theater every night.
The mother, of English birth, was well bred and carefully
educated, but was in the midst of that bitter struggle
which awaits so many strangers in American cities
who find that their social position tends to be measured
solely by the standards of living they are able to
maintain. Our guest has long since married the
struggling young lawyer to whom she was then engaged,
and he is now leading his profession in an eastern
city. She recalls that month’s experience
always with a sense of amusement over the fact that
the succession of visitors who came to see the new
Settlement invariably questioned her most minutely
concerning “these people” without once
suspecting that they were talking to one who had been
identified with the neighborhood from childhood.
I at least was able to draw a lesson from the incident,
and I never addressed a Chicago audience on the subject
of the Settlement and its vicinity without inviting
a neighbor to go with me, that I might curb any hasty
generalization by the consciousness that I had an
auditor who knew the conditions more intimately than
I could hope to do.
Halsted Street has grown so familiar
during twenty years of residence that it is difficult
to recall its gradual changes,—the withdrawal
of the more prosperous Irish and Germans, and the slow
substitution of Russian Jews, Italians, and Greeks.
A description of the street such as I gave in those
early addresses still stands in my mind as sympathetic
and correct.
Halsted Street is thirty-two miles long,
and one of the great thoroughfares of Chicago; Polk
Street crosses it midway between the stockyards to
the south and the shipbuilding yards on the north
branch of the Chicago River. For the six miles
between these two industries the street is lined
with shops of butchers and grocers, with dingy and
gorgeous saloons, and pretentious establishments for
the sale of ready-made clothing. Polk Street,
running west from Halsted Street, grows rapidly more
prosperous; running a mile east to State Street,
it grows steadily worse, and crosses a network of
vice on the corners of Clark Street and Fifth Avenue.
Hull-House once stood in the suburbs, but the city
has steadily grown up around it and its site now
has corners on three or four foreign colonies.
Between Halsted Street and the river live about ten
thousand Italians—Neapolitans, Sicilians,
and Calabrians, with an occasional Lombard or Venetian.
To the south on Twelfth Street are many Germans,
and side streets are given over almost entirely to
Polish and Russian Jews. Still farther south,
these Jewish colonies merge into a huge Bohemian
colony, so vast that Chicago ranks as the third Bohemian
city in the world. To the northwest are many
Canadian-French, clannish in spite of their long
residence in America, and to the north are Irish
and first-generation Americans. On the streets
directly west and farther north are well-to-do English
speaking families, many of whom own their own houses
and have lived in the neighborhood for years; one
man is still living in his old farmhouse.
The policy of the public authorities of
never taking an initiative, and always waiting to
be urged to do their duty, is obviously fatal in
a neighborhood where there is little initiative among
the citizens. The idea underlying our self-
government breaks down in such a ward. The streets
are inexpressibly dirty, the number of schools inadequate,
sanitary legislation unenforced, the street lighting
bad, the paving miserable and altogether lacking in
the alleys and smaller streets, and the stables foul
beyond description. Hundreds of houses are unconnected
with the street sewer. The older and richer
inhabitants seem anxious to move away as rapidly
as they can afford it. They make room for newly
arrived immigrants who are densely ignorant of civic
duties. This substitution of the older inhabitants
is accomplished industrially also, in the south and
east quarters of the ward. The Jews and Italians
do the finishing for the great clothing manufacturers,
formerly done by Americans, Irish, and Germans, who
refused to submit to the extremely low prices to
which the sweating system has reduced their successors.
As the design of the sweating system is the elimination
of rent from the manufacture of clothing, the “outside
work” is begun after the clothing leaves the
cutter. An unscrupulous contractor regards
no basement as too dark, no stable loft too foul,
no rear shanty too provisional, no tenement room
too small for his workroom, as these conditions imply
low rental. Hence these shops abound in the
worst of the foreign districts where the sweater easily
finds his cheap basement and his home finishers.
The houses of the ward, for the most part
wooden, were originally built for one family and
are now occupied by several. They are after
the type of the inconvenient frame cottages found
in the poorer suburbs twenty years ago. Many
of them were built where they now stand; others were
brought thither on rollers, because their previous
sites had been taken by factories. The fewer
brick tenement buildings which are three or four
stories high are comparatively new, and there are
few large tenements. The little wooden houses
have a temporary aspect, and for this reason, perhaps,
the tenement-house legislation in Chicago is totally
inadequate. Rear tenements flourish; many houses
have no water supply save the faucet in the back
yard, there are no fire escapes, the garbage and ashes
are placed in wooden boxes which are fastened to the
street pavements. One of the most discouraging
features about the present system of tenement houses
is that many are owned by sordid and ignorant immigrants.
The theory that wealth brings responsibility, that
possession entails at length education and refinement,
in these cases fails utterly. The children
of an Italian immigrant owner may “shine”
shoes in the street, and his wife may pick rags from
the street gutter, laboriously sorting them in a dingy
court. Wealth may do something for her self-complacency
and feeling of consequence; it certainly does nothing
for her comfort or her children’s improvement
nor for the cleanliness of anyone concerned.
Another thing that prevents better houses in Chicago
is the tentative attitude of the real estate men.
Many unsavory conditions are allowed to continue
which would be regarded with horror if they were
considered permanent. Meanwhile, the wretched
conditions persist until at least two generations
of children have been born and reared in them.
In every neighborhood where poorer people
live, because rents are supposed to be cheaper there,
is an element which, although uncertain in the individual,
in the aggregate can be counted upon. It is
composed of people of former education and opportunity
who have cherished ambitions and prospects, but who
are caricatures of what they meant to be—“hollow
ghosts which blame the living men.” There
are times in many lives when there is a cessation
of energy and loss of power. Men and women of
education and refinement come to live in a cheaper
neighborhood because they lack the ability to make
money, because of ill health, because of an unfortunate
marriage, or for other reasons which do not imply
criminality or stupidity. Among them are those
who, in spite of untoward circumstances, keep up
some sort of an intellectual life; those who are
“great for books,” as their neighbors say.
To such the Settlement may be a genuine refuge.
In the very first weeks of our residence
Miss Starr started a reading party in George Eliot’s
“Romola,” which was attended by a group
of young women who followed the wonderful tale with
unflagging interest. The weekly reading was held
in our little upstairs dining room, and two members
of the club came to dinner each week, not only that
they might be received as guests, but that they might
help us wash the dishes afterwards and so make the
table ready for the stacks of Florentine photographs.
Our “first resident,”
as she gaily designated herself, was a charming old
lady who gave five consecutive readings from Hawthorne
to a most appreciative audience, interspersing the
magic tales most delightfully with recollections of
the elusive and fascinating author. Years before
she had lived at Brook Farm as a pupil of the Ripleys,
and she came to us for ten days because she wished
to live once more in an atmosphere where “idealism
ran high.” We thus early found the type
of class which through all the years has remained
most popular—a combination of a social
atmosphere with serious study.
Volunteers to the new undertaking
came quickly; a charming young girl conducted a kindergarten
in the drawing room, coming regularly every morning
from her home in a distant part of the North Side
of the city. Although a tablet to her memory
has stood upon a mantel shelf in Hull-House for five
years, we still associate her most vividly with the
play of little children, first in her kindergarten
and then in her own nursery, which furnished a veritable
illustration of Victor Hugo’s definition of
heaven—“a place where parents are
always young and children always little.”
Her daily presence for the first two years made it
quite impossible for us to become too solemn and self-conscious
in our strenuous routine, for her mirth and buoyancy
were irresistible and her eager desire to share the
life of the neighborhood never failed, although it
was often put to a severe test. One day at luncheon
she gaily recited her futile attempt to impress temperance
principles upon the mind of an Italian mother, to
whom she had returned a small daughter of five sent
to the kindergarten “in quite a horrid state
of intoxication” from the wine-soaked bread
upon which she had breakfasted. The mother,
with the gentle courtesy of a South Italian, listened
politely to her graphic portrayal of the untimely
end awaiting so immature a wine bibber; but long before
the lecture was finished, quite unconscious of the
incongruity, she hospitably set forth her best wines,
and when her baffled guest refused one after the other,
she disappeared, only to quickly return with a small
dark glass of whisky, saying reassuringly, “See,
I have brought you the true American drink.”
The recital ended in seriocomic despair, with the rueful
statement that “the impression I probably made
on her darkened mind was, that it was the American
custom to breakfast children on bread soaked in whisky
instead of light Italian wine.”
That first kindergarten was a constant
source of education to us. We were much surprised
to find social distinctions even among its lambs,
although greatly amused with the neat formulation made
by the superior little Italian boy who refused to
sit beside uncouth little Angelina because “we
eat our macaroni this way”—imitating
the movement of a fork from a plate to his mouth—“and
she eat her macaroni this way,” holding his
hand high in the air and throwing back his head, that
his wide-open mouth might receive an imaginary cascade.
Angelina gravely nodded her little head in approval
of this distinction between gentry and peasant.
“But isn’t it astonishing that merely
table manners are made such a test all the way along—”
was the comment of their democratic teacher.
Another memory which refuses to be associated with
death, which came to her all too soon, is that of the
young girl who organized our first really successful
club of boys, holding their fascinated interest by
the old chivalric tales, set forth so dramatically
and vividly that checkers and jackstraws were abandoned
by all the other clubs on Boys’ Day, that their
members might form a listening fringe to “The
Young Heros.”
I met a member of the latter club
one day as he flung himself out of the House in the
rage by which an emotional boy hopes to keep from
shedding tears. “There is no use coming
here any more, Prince Roland is dead,” he gruffly
explained as we passed. We encouraged the younger
boys in tournaments and dramatics of all sorts, and
we somewhat fatuously believed that boys who were
early interested in adventurers or explorers might
later want to know the lives of living statesmen and
inventors. It is needless to add that the boys
quickly responded to such a program, and that the
only difficulty lay in finding leaders who were able
to carry it out. This difficulty has been with
us through all the years of growth and development
in the Boys’ Club until now, with its five-story
building, its splendid equipment of shops, of recreation
and study rooms, that group alone is successful which
commands the services of a resourceful and devoted
leader.
The dozens of younger children who
from the first came to Hull-House were organized
into groups which were not quite classes and not quite
clubs. The value of these groups consisted almost
entirely in arousing a higher imagination and in giving
the children the opportunity which they could not
have in the crowded schools, for initiative and for
independent social relationships. The public
schools then contained little hand work of any sort,
so that naturally any instruction which we provided
for the children took the direction of this supplementary
work. But it required a constant effort that
the pressure of poverty itself should not defeat the
educational aim. The Italian girls in the sewing
classes would count the day lost when they could not
carry home a garment, and the insistence that it should
be neatly made seemed a super-refinement to those
in dire need of clothing.
As these clubs have been continued
during the twenty years they have developed classes
in the many forms of handicraft which the newer education
is so rapidly adapting for the delight of children;
but they still keep their essentially social character
and still minister to that large number of children
who leave school the very week they are fourteen years
old, only too eager to close the schoolroom door forever
on a tiresome task that is at last well over.
It seems to us important that these children shall
find themselves permanently attached to a House that
offers them evening clubs and classes with their old
companions, that merges as easily as possible the
school life into the working life and does what it
can to find places for the bewildered young things
looking for work. A large proportion of the delinquent
boys brought into the juvenile court in Chicago are
the oldest sons in large families whose wages are
needed at home. The grades from which many of
them leave school, as the records show, are piteously
far from the seventh and eighth where the very first
introduction in manual training is given, nor have
they been caught by any other abiding interest.
In spite of these flourishing clubs
for children early established at Hull-House, and
the fact that our first organized undertaking was
a kindergarten, we were very insistent that the Settlement
should not be primarily for the children, and that
it was absurd to suppose that grown people would not
respond to opportunities for education and social
life. Our enthusiastic kindergartner herself
demonstrated this with an old woman of ninety who,
because she was left alone all day while her daughter
cooked in a restaurant, had formed such a persistent
habit of picking the plaster off the walls that one
landlord after another refused to have her for a tenant.
It required but a few week’s time to teach
her to make large paper chains, and gradually she
was content to do it all day long, and in the end took
quite as much pleasure in adorning the walls as she
had formally taken in demolishing them. Fortunately
the landlord had never heard the aesthetic principle
that exposure of basic construction is more desirable
than gaudy decoration. In course of time it was
discovered that the old woman could speak Gaelic, and
when one or two grave professors came to see her,
the neighborhood was filled with pride that such a
wonder lived in their midst. To mitigate life
for a woman of ninety was an unfailing refutation of
the statement that the Settlement was designed for
the young.
On our first New Year’s Day
at Hull-House we invited the older people in the vicinity,
sending a carriage for the most feeble and announcing
to all of them that we were going to organize an Old
Settlers’ Party.
Every New Year’s Day since,
older people in varying numbers have come together
at Hull-House to relate early hardships, and to take
for the moment the place in the community to which
their pioneer life entitles them. Many people
who were formerly residents of the vicinity, but whom
prosperity has carried into more desirable neighborhoods,
come back to these meetings and often confess to each
other that they have never since found such kindness
as in early Chicago when all its citizens came together
in mutual enterprises. Many of these pioneers,
so like the men and women of my earliest childhood
that I always felt comforted by their presence in
the house, were very much opposed to “foreigners,”
whom they held responsible for a depreciation of property
and a general lowering of the tone of the neighborhood.
Sometimes we had a chance for championship; I recall
one old man, fiercely American, who had reproached
me because we had so many “foreign views”
on our walls, to whom I endeavored to set forth our
hope that the pictures might afford a familiar island
to the immigrants in a sea of new and strange impressions.
The old settler guest, taken off his guard, replied,
“I see; they feel as we did when we saw a Yankee
notion from Down East,”—thereby formulating
the dim kinship between the pioneer and the immigrant,
both “buffeting the waves of a new development.”
The older settlers as well as their children throughout
the years have given genuine help to our various enterprises
for neighborhood improvement, and from their own memories
of earlier hardships have made many shrewd suggestions
for alleviating the difficulties of that first sharp
struggle with untoward conditions.
In those early days we were often
asked why we had come to live on Halsted Street when
we could afford to live somewhere else. I remember
one man who used to shake his head and say it was “the
strangest thing he had met in his experience,”
but who was finally convinced that it was “not
strange but natural.” In time it came to
seem natural to all of us that the Settlement should
be there. If it is natural to feed the hungry
and care for the sick, it is certainly natural to
give pleasure to the young, comfort to the aged, and
to minister to the deep-seated craving for social
intercourse that all men feel. Whoever does it
is rewarded by something which, if not gratitude,
is at least spontaneous and vital and lacks that irksome
sense of obligation with which a substantial benefit
is too often acknowledged.
In addition to the neighbors who responded
to the receptions and classes, we found those who
were too battered and oppressed to care for them.
To these, however, was left that susceptibility to
the bare offices of humanity which raises such offices
into a bond of fellowship.
From the first it seemed understood
that we were ready to perform the humblest neighborhood
services. We were asked to wash the new-born
babies, and to prepare the dead for burial, to nurse
the sick, and to “mind the children.”
Occasionally these neighborly offices
unexpectedly uncovered ugly human traits. For
six weeks after an operation we kept in one of our
three bedrooms a forlorn little baby who, because he
was born with a cleft palate, was most unwelcome even
to his mother, and we were horrified when he died
of neglect a week after he was returned to his home;
a little Italian bride of fifteen sought shelter with
us one November evening to escape her husband who
had beaten her every night for a week when he returned
home from work, because she had lost her wedding ring;
two of us officiated quite alone at the birth of an
illegitimate child because the doctor was late in
arriving, and none of the honest Irish matrons would
“touch the likes of her”; we ministered
at the deathbed of a young man, who during a long
illness of tuberculosis had received so many bottles
of whisky through the mistaken kindness of his friends,
that the cumulative effect produced wild periods of
exultation, in one of which he died.
We were also early impressed with
the curious isolation of many of the immigrants; an
Italian woman once expressed her pleasure in the red
roses that she saw at one of our receptions in surprise
that they had been “brought so fresh all the
way from Italy.” She would not believe
for an instant that they had been grown in America.
She said that she had lived in Chicago for six years
and had never seen any roses, whereas in Italy she
had seen them every summer in great profusion.
During all that time, of course, the woman had lived
within ten blocks of a florist’s window; she
had not been more than a five-cent car ride away from
the public parks; but she had never dreamed of faring
forth for herself, and no one had taken her.
Her conception of America had been the untidy street
in which she lived and had made her long struggle
to adapt herself to American ways.
But in spite of some untoward experiences,
we were constantly impressed with the uniform kindness
and courtesy we received. Perhaps these first
days laid the simple human foundations which are certainly
essential for continuous living among the poor; first,
genuine preference for residence in an industrial quarter
to any other part of the city, because it is interesting
and makes the human appeal; and second, the conviction,
in the words of Canon Barnett, that the things that
make men alike are finer and better than the things
that keep them apart, and that these basic likenesses,
if they are properly accentuated, easily transcend
the less essential differences of race, language,
creed, and tradition.
Perhaps even in those first days we
made a beginning toward that object which was afterwards
stated in our charter: “To provide a center
for higher civic and social life; to institute and
maintain educational and philanthropic enterprises,
and to investigate and improve the conditions in the
industrial districts of Chicago.”
[Editor: Mary Mark Ockerbloom]
This chapter has been put on-line
as part of the buildAbook Initiative at
the Celebration of Women Writers. Initial text
entry and proof-reading of this chapter were the work
of volunteer Diana Camden.
[Editor: Mary Mark Ockerbloom]
[A Celebration of Women Writers]
“Chapter VI: The Subjective Necessity for
Social Settlements.” by
Jane Addams (1860-1935) From: Twenty Years at
Hull-House with
Autobiographical Notes. by Jane Addams. New York:
The MacMillan
Company, 1912 (c.1910) pp. 113-127.
[Editor: Mary Mark Ockerbloom]