An Argument for my “The White Morning”
From The Bookman, February, 1918,
by courtesy of Dodd, Mead & Co.
I have been asked by the Editor of
The Bookman to state my authority for writing
The White Morning; in other words for daring
to believe that a revolution conceived and engineered
by women is possible in Germany.
Before giving my own reasons, stripped
of what glamor of fiction I have been able to surround
the story with, I should like to say that when I began
to put the idea into form I thought it was entirely
my own. But while it is always pleasant to offer
this sort of incense to one’s vanity, I should
have been more than glad to quote to my editor and
publisher some reliable male authority; a man’s
opinion, on all momentous subjects, by force of tradition,
far outweighing any theory or guess that a woman,
no matter what her intimate personal experience, may
advance.
Imagine then my delight, when the
story was half finished, to read an article by A.
Curtis Roth, in the Saturday Evening Post, in
which he stated unequivocally that it was among the
possibilities that the women of Germany, driven to
desperation by suffering and privation, and disillusion,
would arise suddenly and overturn the dynasty.
Mr. Roth, who was American vice-consul at Plauen,
Saxony, until we entered the war, has written some
of the most enlightening and brilliant articles that
have appeared on the internal conditions of any of
the belligerent countries since August, 1914.
He remained at his post until the last moment and
then left Germany a physical wreck from malnutrition.
In spite of the fact that he was an officer in the
consular service of a neutral country, with ample
means at his command, and standing in close personal
relations with the authorities, he could not get enough
to eat; and what he was forced to swallow—lest
he starve—completely broke down his digestion.
On the other hand, he never ceased
to observe; and having made friends of all classes
of Germans, and been given facilities for observation
and study of conditions enjoyed by few Americans in
the Teutonic Empire at the time, he noted every phase
and change, both subtle and manifest, through which
these afflicted people passed during the first three
years of the war. They are in far worse case
now.
Later (in November) I read an article
by a German, J. Koettgen, in the New York Chronicle,
which was even more explicit.
Herr Koettgen is one of the agents
in this country of Hermann Fernau, an eminent intellectual
of Germany, who escaped into Switzerland, and wages
relentless war upon the dynasty and the military caste
of Prussia; which he holds categorically responsible
for the world war. There is a price on Fernau’s
head. He dares not walk abroad without a bodyguard,
and cannon are concealed among the oleanders that
surround his house. Not only has he written two
books, Because I am a German, and The Coming
Democracy, which if circulated in Germany would
prick thousands of dazed despairing brains into immediate
rebellion, but he is the head of those German Radical
Democrats which have united in an organization called
“Friends of German Democracy.”
Their avowed object, through the medium
of a bi-weekly journal, Die Freie Zeitung,
and other propaganda, is to plant sound democratic
ideas and ideals in the minds of German prisoners
in the Entente countries, and to recruit the saner
exiles everywhere. These publications reach men
and women of German blood whose grandfathers fled from
military tyranny after their abortive revolution in
1848, and, with their descendants, have enjoyed freedom
and independence in the United States ever since.
The best of them are expected to exert pressure upon
their friends and relatives in Germany. There
are already branches of this epochal organization
in the larger American cities.
Herr Koettgen (who has written a book
called The Hausfrau and Democracy, by the way)
walked into the office of the Chronicle some
time in November and presented a letter to the editor,
Mr. Fletcher. In the course of the heated conversation
that ensued, Herr Koettgen exclaimed with bitter scorn:
“Oh, so you think yourself as fiercely anti-German
as a man may be? Well, let me tell you that you
are not capable of one-tenth the passionate hatred
I feel for a dynasty and a caste that has made me
so ashamed of being a German that I could eat the
dust.”
In Herr Koettgen’s article occur
the following paragraphs: “At the first
glance German women hardly appear likely material for
the coming Revolution which will turn Germany into
a modern country. But many incidents point to
the fact that German women are growing with their
increasing task. They are beginning to replace
their men not only economically but politically.
Most of the public demonstrations in Germany during
this war have been led and arranged by women.
The very first demonstration in 1915 consisted of
women. As Mr. Gerard tells us in his book, they
had no very definite idea of what they wanted; only
they wanted their men back. But since that time
their political education has made rapid progress….
With their men in the field and their former leaders
(Rosa Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin, Louise Zietz) in prison,
German women are learning to act for themselves.
Their demonstrations point to it, as do also letters
written by German women to their men who are now prisoners
of war in France and England. In one of these
letters which escaped the watchful eye of the censor,
a German hausfrau described how she made the officials
of Muenster sit up by her energetic and persistent
demands.”
A girl upon one occasion said to Herr
Koettgen: “Only women and children were
employed in our factory. We had more than one
strike. Two women would go round to every woman
and girl in the shop and tell them: ’We
have asked for twenty or thirty pfennings more.
To-morrow we are going on strike. She who does
not come out will have the thrashing of her life.’
We were all frightened and stayed away, for they really
meant it.”
Herr Koettgen continues: “Novel
circumstances are reawakening in the meek German hausfrau
some of that combative spirit which characterized
the Teuton women in the time of Tacitus, when they
often fought alongside of their men in the wagon camp….
German women will show their men the way to freedom.
Doing more than their share of the nation’s
work, they insist upon being heard, and their growing
influence is one of the greatest dangers to German
autocracy in its present predicament. As politicians
German women have the advantage of not having gone
through the soul-destroying, brutalizing school of
Prussian militarism, and of not being burdened with
the rigmarole of theory which formed the content of
German politics before the war. They can be trusted
to make a bee-line for the real obstacle to peace and
liberty—to eradicate the autocratic militaristic
régime which enslaved the German people in order to
enslave the world.”
Now that the way has been cleared
by two men of affairs who have never condescended
to write fiction, I will give my own reasons for belief
in the German women, and also for the general plan
of The White Morning.
I had an apartment for seven years
in Munich and spent six or eight months alternately
in that delightful city and traveling in Europe, passing
a month or two in England, or returning for an equal
length of time to my own country. During that
long residence in Germany I naturally met many of
its inhabitants, and of as many classes as possible.
German women do not tell you the history of their lives
the first time you meet them, not by any means; they
are naturally secretive and the reverse of frank.
But they are human, and when you have won their confidence
they will tell you surprising things. The confidences
I received were for the most part from girls, and
one and all assured me they never should marry.
Having grown up under one House Tyrant, for whom they
were not responsible, why in heaven’s name should
they deliberately annex another? Far, far better
bear with the one whose worst at least they knew (and
who could not live forever), than marry some man who
might be loathsome as well as tyrannical, and who,
unless there happened to be a war, might outlive them?
The idea in my novel of the four Niebuhr
girls and their initial rebellion was suggested to
me by a family of Prussian junkerdom that I met at
a watering place in Denmark. The baroness was
a charming woman who used a moderate invalidism in
a smiling imperturbable fashion to insure herself
a certain immunity from the demands of her autocratic
lord. The girls were lively, intelligent, splendidly
educated. They were in love with society and
court functions, but deeply rebellious at the attitude
of the German male, and determined never to marry.
That is to say the three younger girls; the oldest
had married a tame puppy, and anything less like a
tyrant I never beheld. No American husband could
be more subservient. But there was no question
that he belonged to a small exceptional class:
while his wife, with all the dominating qualities of
her father, was one of a rapidly increasing number
of German women, silently but firmly rebellious.
The Herr baron was a typical Prussian
aristocrat and autocrat. The girls could hardly
have had less liberty in a convent. When they
came from their hotel to mine he escorted them over
and often came in. Luckily he liked me or I never
should have had the opportunity to know them as well
as I did. Nor should I have been able to continue
the acquaintance after the day I wickedly induced
them to run away with me to Copenhagen, where we shopped,
promenaded all the principal streets, then took ices
on the terrace of one of the restaurants. When
we returned he was storming up and down the platform
of the station, and he fairly raved at the girls.
“And you dared, you dared, to go to Copenhagen,
without permission, without your mother, without me!”
The girls listened meekly, but whenever he wheeled
laughed behind his military back. Then he turned
on me, but I called him a tyrant and gave him my opinion
of his nonsensical attitude generally. As I was
not his daughter he gradually calmed down and seemed
rather to relish the tirade. Finally they all
came over to my hotel to tea.
“You see!” said one of
the girls to me afterward. “I have not
exaggerated. Do you think I want another like
that?” And, so far as I know, they have never
married.
I did not draw any of my characters
on these four delightful girls, but took the episode
as a foundation for the incidents and characters that
grew under my hand after I got round to the story.
The episode of Georg Zottmyer was
also told me by a German girl whom I got to know very
well in Munich, and who distantly suggested the character
of Gisela (that is to say in the very beginning.
As Gisela developed she became more like her own legendary
Brunhilda).[1]
This young woman was as independent
in her life and in her ideas as any I ever met in
England or the United States. But fortune had
been kind to her. Her father died just after
her education was finished, and as he left little
money, she went to Brazil as governess in a wealthy
family. She remained in South America for several
years, gaining, of course, poise and experience.
Then a relative died and left her a comfortable fortune.
When I met her she was living in Munich from choice,
like so many other Germans who were bored with routine
and rigid class lines.
She was a beautiful young woman, with
dark hair and eyes and a brilliant complexion, and
dressed to perfection, although she wore no stays.
This may have been a bit of vanity on her part, as
the awful reformkleid was in vogue, and fat German
women were displaying themselves in lumps and creases
and billows and sections that rolled like the untrammelled
waves of the sea. Her own figure was so firmly
molded and so erect and supple that it was, for all
her fashionable clothes, quite independent of the
corset. She had charming manners combined with
an imperturbable serenity, and always seemed faintly
amused. On the other hand, she displayed none
of the offensive German conceit and arrogance.
We spent several days together at
Partenkirchen, one of the most picturesque spots in
the Bavarian Alps, and as we were both good walkers,
and there was no one else in the hotel who interested
us, we became quite intimate. She was one of
the first to talk to me about the deep discontent
and disgust of the German women, and of her own utter
contempt for the meek hausfrau type, and for the tyrannies,
petty, coarse, often brutal, of the man in his home.
Nothing, she was determined, would ever tempt her
to marry, and she could name many others who were
making an independent life for themselves, although,
lacking fortune, often in secret. No matter how
much she might fancy herself in love (and I imagine
that she had had her enlightening experiences) she
would not risk a lifelong clash of wills with a man
who might turn out to be a medieval despot.
It was then that she told me of the
tentative proposal of one of her beaux (she had many)
“Georg Zottmyer,” which I have recorded
almost literally in the scene between this passing
character and Gisela in the Café Luitpolt. My
object in doing so was to give as realistic an impression
as possible of what the German woman is up against
in dealings with her male. I knew Zottmyer personally,
and he interested me the more (as one is interested
in a bug under a microscope) because he had less excuse
for his conceit and arrogance than most German men:
he was brought up in California, where his father
is a successful doctor. But that only seemed
to have made him worse. He returned to Germany
as soon as he was of age, more German than the Germans,
and despising Americans.
I had often wondered what became of
this highly interesting young woman, and when I began
to write The White Morning she popped into my
mind. I believe she could be a leader of some
kind if she chose. Perhaps she is.
The cases could be multiplied indefinitely.
The Erkels and Mimi Brandt are drawn, together with
their conditions, almost photographically. “Heloise”
finally married a Scot and went with him to his own
country, but her sisters were dragging out their tragic
lives when I left Munich.
A few days ago I met a highly intelligent
American woman of German blood who, before the war,
used to visit her relatives in Germany every year.
I told her that I had written this story and she agreed
with me that it was on the cards the women would instigate
a revolution. “Never,” she said,
“in any country have I known such discontent
among women, heard so many bitter confidences.
Their feelings against their fathers or husbands were
the more intense and violent because they dared not
speak out like English or American women.”
There is no question that for about
fifteen years before the war there was a thinking,
secret, silent, watchful but outwardly passive revolt
going on among the women of Germany. I do not
think it had then reached the working women.
It took the war to wake them up. But in that vast
class which, in spite of racial industry, had a certain
amount of leisure, owing to the almost total absence
of poverty in the Teutonic Empire, and whose minds
were educated and systematically trained, there was
persistent reading, meditating upon the advance of
women in other nations, quiet debating unsuspected
of their masters; and they were growing in numbers
and in an almost sinister determination every year.
Of course there were plenty of hausfraus cowed to the
door mat, and, like the proletariat, needing a war
to wake them up; but there were several hundred thousand
of the other sort.
Now, all these women need is a leader.
The working women have their Rosa Luxemburgs, who
think out loud in public and get themselves locked
up; and, moreover, do not appeal to the other classes—for
Germany is the most snobbish country in the world.
If there were—or if there is—such
a woman as Gisela Döring, who before the war had acquired
a widespread intellectual influence over the awakening
women of her race, and then, when they were approaching
the breaking point, had gone quietly and systematically
about making a revolution, there is no question in
my mind as to the outcome.
Just consider for a moment what the
German women have suffered during this war—a
war that they were told was forced upon their country
by the aggressive military acts of Russia and France,
but which, owing to Germany’s might, would hardly
last three months. For nearly three years they
have never known the sensation of appeased hunger,
and, having always been immense eaters, have suffered
the tortures of dyspepsia in addition to hunger.
But, far worse, they have listened almost continuously
to the wails of their children for satisfying food,
children who are forever hungry and who often succumb.
Karl Ackerman, whose accuracy no one has questioned,
states in his book, Germany, The Next Republic?,
that in 1916 sixty thousand children died of malnutrition
in Berlin alone.
These women have lost their fathers,
husbands, sons—well, that is the fortune
of any war; but they are beginning to understand that
they have lost them, not in a war of self-defense,
but to gratify the insane ambitions and greed of a
dynasty and a military caste that are out of date
in the twentieth century. Their parents, when
over sixty, have died from the same cause as the children.
Their daughters, both unmarried and newly widowed,
are “officially pregnant,” or the mothers
of brats the name of whose fathers they do not know.
The young girls of Lille hardly have suffered more.
The German victims are sent for, then sent home to
bear another child for Germany.
Now, we know what the German men are.
These women are the mothers and wives and sisters
of the German men; in other words, they are Germans,
body, and bone and brain-cells, capable of precisely
the same ruthless tactics when pushed too hard—if
they have a leader. That, to my mind, is the
whole point. Given that leader, they would effect
a revolution precisely as I have described in my story.
Nor would they run the risk of failure. The German
race is not eight-tenths illiterates and two-tenths
intellectuals, emotional firebrands, anarchists and
sellers-out like the Russians. They are uniformly
educated, uniformly disciplined. They will do
nothing futile, nothing without the most secret and
methodical preparation of which even the German mind
is capable. It will be like turning over in bed
in camp: they will all turn over together.
They are damnably efficient.
It may be said: “But you
may have spoiled their chances with your book.
You not only have revealed them in their true character
to their men, but all the details of their probable
methods in working up and precipitating a revolution.
You have, in other words, put the German authorities
on their guard.”
The answer to this is that no German
of the dominant sex could be made to believe in anything
so unprecedented as German women taking the law into
their own hands, uniting, and overthrowing a dynasty.
Nothing can penetrate a German official skull but
what has been trained into it from birth. Unlike
the women, the system has made the men of the ruling
class into the sort of machine which is perfect in
its way but admits of no modern improvements.
That has been the secret of their strength and of
their weakness, and will be the chief assistance to
the Allies in bringing about their final defeat.
I am positive they go to sleep every night murmuring:
“Two and two make four. Two and two make
four.”
The women could hold meetings under
their very noses, so long as they were not in the
street, lay their plans to the last fuse, and apply
the match at the preconcerted moment from one end
of Germany to the other unhindered, unless betrayed.
The angry and restless male socialists would not have
a chance with the alert members of their own sex—who
regard women with an even and contemptuous tolerance.
Useful but harmless.
I made Gisela a junker by birth, because
a rebel from the top, with qualities of leadership,
would make a deeper impression in Germany than one
of the many avowed extremists of humbler origin.
On the other hand, it was necessary to drop the von,
and take a middle-class name, or she would have failed
to win confidence, in the beginning, as well as literary
success; from opposite reasons. It is very difficult
for an aristocratic German of artistic talents to
obtain a hearing. Practically all the intellectuals
belong to the middle-class, the aristocrats being
absorbed by the army and navy. The arrogance and
often brutal lack of consideration of the ruling caste,
to say nothing of common politeness, have inspired
universal jealousy and hatred, the more poignant as
it must be silent. But even the silent may find
their means of vengeance, as the noble discovers when
he attempts recognition in the intellectual world.
But if he were a propagandist, with the welfare of
all Germany at heart, and won his influence under an
assumed name, as Gisela Döring did, the revelation
of his identity, together with proof of dissociation
from his own class, would enhance his popularity immensely.
Moreover, it would be incense to the vanity of classes
that never are permitted to forget their inferior
rank.
In this country there is a snobbish
tendency to exalt and boom any writer who is known
to belong to one of the old and wealthy families;
and the more snobbish the writer the more infectious
the disease. But then in this country, which
has never suffered from militarism, there is a naïve
tendency to worship success in any form. In Germany
my heroine would have doomed herself to failure if
she had signed her work Gisela von Niebuhr. But
her early education, surroundings, position,—to
say nothing of her four years in the United States—were
just what gave her the requisite advantages, and preserved
her from many mistakes. She starts out with no
prejudices against any caste, and an intense sympathy
for all German women who lack even the compensation
of being hochwohlgeboren.
No one knows what the future holds,
or what unexpected event will suddenly end the war;
but I should not have written The White Morning
if I had not been firmly convinced that a Gisela might
arise at any moment and deliver the world.
GERTRUDE ATHERTON.
[Footnote 1: For this reason
I asked the most beautiful woman I have ever seen
of the heroic or goddess type to be photographed for
the frontispiece.—G.A.]