And
thou, great god of aquavitae!
Wha
sways the empire of this city
(When
fou we’re sometimes capernoity),
Be
thou prepared,
To
save us frae that black banditti,
The
City Guard!
Fergusson’s
Daft Days.
Captain John Porteous, a name memorable
in the traditions of Edinburgh, as well as in the
records of criminal jurisprudence, was the son of a
citizen of Edinburgh, who endeavoured to breed him
up to his own mechanical trade of a tailor. The
youth, however, had a wild and irreclaimable propensity
to dissipation, which finally sent him to serve in
the corps long maintained in the service of the States
of Holland, and called the Scotch Dutch. Here
he learned military discipline; and, returning afterwards,
in the course of an idle and wandering life, to his
native city, his services were required by the magistrates
of Edinburgh in the disturbed year 1715, for disciplining
their City Guard, in which he shortly afterwards received
a captain’s commission. It was only by his
military skill and an alert and resolute character
as an officer of police, that he merited this promotion,
for he is said to have been a man of profligate habits,
an unnatural son, and a brutal husband. He was,
however, useful in his station, and his harsh and fierce
habits rendered him formidable to rioters or disturbers
of the public peace.
The corps in which he held his command
is, or perhaps we should rather say was, a
body of about one hundred and twenty soldiers divided
into three companies, and regularly armed, clothed,
and embodied. They were chiefly veterans who
enlisted in this cogs, having the benefit of working
at their trades when they were off duty. These
men had the charge of preserving public order, repressing
riots and street robberies, acting, in short, as an
armed police, and attending on all public occasions
where confusion or popular disturbance might be expected.
The Lord Provost was ex-officio
commander and colonel of the corps, which might be
increased to three hundred men when the times required
it. No other drum but theirs was allowed to sound
on the High Street between the Luckenbooths and the
Netherbow.
Poor Fergusson, whose irregularities
sometimes led him into unpleasant rencontres with
these military conservators of public order, and who
mentions them so often that he may be termed their
poet laureate,* thus admonishes his readers, warned
doubtless by his own experience:—
* [Robert Fergusson, the Scottish
Poet, born 1750, died 1774.]
“Gude
folk, as ye come frae the fair,
Bide
yont frae this black squad:
There’s
nae sic savages elsewhere
Allowed
to wear cockad.”
In fact, the soldiers of the City
Guard, being, as we have said, in general discharged
veterans, who had strength enough remaining for this
municipal duty, and being, moreover, for the greater
part, Highlanders, were neither by birth, education,
nor former habits, trained to endure with much patience
the insults of the rabble, or the provoking petulance
of truant schoolboys, and idle debauchees of all descriptions,
with whom their occupation brought them into contact.
On the contrary, the tempers of the poor old fellows
were soured by the indignities with which the mob
distinguished them on many occasions, and frequently
might have required the soothing strains of the poet
we have just quoted—
“O
soldiers! for your ain dear sakes,
For
Scotland’s love, the Land o’ Cakes,
Gie
not her bairns sic deadly paiks,
Nor
be sae rude,
Wi’
firelock or Lochaber-axe,
As
spill their bluid!”
On all occasions when a holiday licensed
some riot and irregularity, a skirmish with these
veterans was a favourite recreation with the rabble
of Edinburgh. These pages may perhaps see the
light when many have in fresh recollection such onsets
as we allude to. But the venerable corps, with
whom the contention was held, may now be considered
as totally extinct. Of late the gradual diminution
of these civic soldiers reminds one of the abatement
of King Lear’s hundred knights. The edicts
of each succeeding set of magistrates have, like those
of Goneril and Regan, diminished this venerable band
with the similar question, “What need we five-and-twenty?—ten?—or
five?” And it is now nearly come to, “What
need one?” A spectre may indeed here and there
still be seen, of an old grey-headed and grey-bearded
Highlander, with war-worn features, but bent double
by age; dressed in an old fashioned cocked-hat, bound
with white tape instead of silver lace; and in coat,
waistcoat, and breeches, of a muddy-coloured red,
bearing in his withered hand an ancient weapon, called
a Lochaber-axe; a long pole, namely, with an axe at
the extremity, and a hook at the back of the hatchet.
This hook was to enable the bearer
of the Lochaber-axe to scale a gateway, by grappling
the top of the door, and swinging himself up by the
staff of his weapon.
Such a phantom of former days still
creeps, I have been informed, round the statue of
Charles the Second, in the Parliament Square, as if
the image of a Stuart were the last refuge for any
memorial of our ancient manners; and one or two others
are supposed to glide around the door of the guardhouse
assigned to them in the Luckenbooths, when their ancient
refuge in the High Street was laid low.
This ancient corps is now entirely
disbanded. Their last march to do duty at Hallowfair
had something in it affecting. Their drums and
fifes had been wont on better days to play, on this
joyous occasion, the lively tune of “Jockey
to the fair;” but on his final occasion the afflicted
veterans moved slowly to the dirge of
“The last time I came ower the muir.”
But the fate of manuscripts bequeathed
to friends and executors is so uncertain, that the
narrative containing these frail memorials of the old
Town Guard of Edinburgh, who, with their grim and valiant
corporal, John Dhu (the fiercest-looking fellow I
ever saw), were, in my boyhood, the alternate terror
and derision of the petulant brood of the High School,
may, perhaps, only come to light when all memory of
the institution has faded away, and then serve as
an illustration of Kay’s caricatures, who has
preserved the features of some of their heroes.
In the preceding generation, when there was a perpetual
alarm for the plots and activity of the Jacobites,
some pains were taken by the magistrates of Edinburgh
to keep this corps, though composed always of such
materials as we have noticed, in a more effective
state than was afterwards judged necessary, when their
most dangerous service was to skirmish with the rabble
on the king’s birthday. They were, therefore,
more the objects of hatred, and less that of scorn,
than they were afterwards accounted.
To Captain John Porteous, the honour
of his command and of his corps seems to have been
a matter of high interest and importance. He was
exceedingly incensed against Wilson for the affront
which he construed him to have put upon his soldiers,
in the effort he made for the liberation of his companion,
and expressed himself most ardently on the subject.
He was no less indignant at the report, that there
was an intention to rescue Wilson himself from the
gallows, and uttered many threats and imprecations
upon that subject, which were afterwards remembered
to his disadvantage. In fact, if a good deal of
determination and promptitude rendered Porteous, in
one respect, fit to command guards designed to suppress
popular commotion, he seems, on the other, to have
been disqualified for a charge so delicate, by a hot
and surly temper, always too ready to come to blows
and violence; a character void of principle; and a
disposition to regard the rabble, who seldom failed
to regale him and his soldiers with some marks of
their displeasure, as declared enemies, upon whom
it was natural and justifiable that he should seek
opportunities of vengeance. Being, however, the
most active and trustworthy among the captains of
the City Guard, he was the person to whom the magistrates
confided the command of the soldiers appointed to
keep the peace at the time of Wilson’s execution.
He was ordered to guard the gallows and scaffold,
with about eighty men, all the disposable force that
could be spared for that duty.
But the magistrates took farther precautions,
which affected Porteous’s pride very deeply.
They requested the assistance of part of a regular
infantry regiment, not to attend upon the execution,
but to remain drawn up on the principal street of
the city, during the time that it went forward, in
order to intimidate the multitude, in case they should
be disposed to be unruly, with a display of force
which could not be resisted without desperation.
It may sound ridiculous in our ears, considering the
fallen state of this ancient civic corps, that its
officer should have felt punctiliously jealous of its
honour. Yet so it was. Captain Porteous
resented, as an indignity, the introducing the Welsh
Fusileers within the city, and drawing them up in the
street where no drums but his own were allowed to
be sounded without the special command or permission
of the magistrates. As he could not show his
ill-humour to his patrons the magistrates, it increased
his indignation and his desire to be revenged on the
unfortunate criminal Wilson, and all who favoured
him. These internal emotions of jealousy and rage
wrought a change on the man’s mien and bearing,
visible to all who saw him on the fatal morning when
Wilson was appointed to suffer. Porteous’s
ordinary appearance was rather favourable. He
was about the middle size, stout, and well made, having
a military air, and yet rather a gentle and mild countenance.
His complexion was brown, his face somewhat fretted
with the sears of the smallpox, his eyes rather languid
than keen or fierce. On the present occasion,
however, it seemed to those who saw him as if he were
agitated by some evil demon. His step was irregular,
his voice hollow and broken, his countenance pale,
his eyes staring and wild, his speech imperfect and
confused, and his whole appearance so disordered,
that many remarked he seemed to be fey, a Scottish
expression, meaning the state of those who are driven
on to their impending fate by the strong impulse of
some irresistible necessity.
One part of his conduct was truly
diabolical, if indeed it has not been exaggerated
by the general prejudice entertained against his memory.
When Wilson, the unhappy criminal, was delivered to
him by the keeper of the prison, in order that he
might be conducted to the place of execution, Porteous,
not satisfied with the usual precautions to prevent
escape, ordered him to be manacled. This might
be justifiable from the character and bodily strength
of the malefactor, as well as from the apprehensions
so generally entertained of an expected rescue.
But the handcuffs which were produced being found
too small for the wrists of a man so big-boned as
Wilson, Porteous proceeded with his own hands, and
by great exertion of strength, to force them till
they clasped together, to the exquisite torture of
the unhappy criminal. Wilson remonstrated against
such barbarous usage, declaring that the pain distracted
his thoughts from the subjects of meditation proper
to his unhappy condition.
“It signifies little,”
replied Captain Porteous; “your pain will soon
be at an end.”
“Your cruelty is great,”
answered the sufferer. “You know not how
soon you yourself may have occasion to ask the mercy
which you are now refusing to a fellow-creature.
May God forgive you!”
These words, long afterwards quoted
and remembered, were all that passed between Porteous
and his prisoner; but as they took air, and became
known to the people, they greatly increased the popular
compassion for Wilson, and excited a proportionate
degree of indignation against Porteous; against whom,
as strict, and even violent in the discharge of his
unpopular office, the common people had some real,
and many imaginary causes of complaint.
When the painful procession was completed,
and Wilson, with the escort, had arrived at the scaffold
in the Grassmarket, there appeared no signs of that
attempt to rescue him which had occasioned such precautions.
The multitude, in general, looked on with deeper interest
than at ordinary executions; and there might be seen,
on the countenances of many, a stern and indignant
expression, like that with which the ancient Cameronians
might be supposed to witness the execution of their
brethren, who glorified the Covenant on the same occasion,
and at the same spot. But there was no attempt
at violence. Wilson himself seemed disposed to
hasten over the space that divided time from eternity.
The devotions proper and usual on such occasions were
no sooner finished than he submitted to his fate,
and the sentence of the law was fulfilled.
He had been suspended on the gibbet
so long as to be totally deprived of life, when at
once, as if occasioned by some newly received impulse,
there arose a tumult among the multitude. Many
stones were thrown at Porteous and his guards; some
mischief was done; and the mob continued to press
forward with whoops, shrieks, howls, and exclamations.
A young fellow, with a sailor’s cap slouched
over his face, sprung on the scaffold, and cut the
rope by which the criminal was suspended. Others
approached to carry off the body, either to secure
for it a decent grave, or to try, perhaps, some means
of resuscitation. Captain Porteous was wrought,
by this appearance of insurrection against his authority,
into a rage so headlong as made him forget, that,
the sentence having been fully executed, it was his
duty not to engage in hostilities with the misguided
multitude, but to draw off his men as fast as possible.
He sprung from the scaffold, snatched a musket from
one of his soldiers, commanded the party to give fire,
and, as several eye-witnesses concurred in swearing,
set them the example, by discharging his piece, and
shooting a man dead on the spot. Several soldiers
obeyed his command or followed his example; six or
seven persons were slain, and a great many were hurt
and wounded.
After this act of violence, the Captain
proceeded to withdraw his men towards their guard-house
in the High Street. The mob were not so much
intimidated as incensed by what had been done.
They pursued the soldiers with execrations, accompanied
by volleys of stones. As they pressed on them,
the rearmost soldiers turned, and again fired with
fatal aim and execution. It is not accurately
known whether Porteous commanded this second act of
violence; but of course the odium of the whole transactions
of the fatal day attached to him, and to him alone.
He arrived at the guard-house, dismissed his soldiers,
and went to make his report to the magistrates concerning
the unfortunate events of the day.
Apparently by this time Captain Porteous
had began to doubt the propriety of his own conduct,
and the reception he met with from the magistrates
was such as to make him still more anxious to gloss
it over. He denied that he had given orders to
fire; he denied he had fired with his own hand; he
even produced the fusee which he carried as an officer
for examination; it was found still loaded. Of
three cartridges which he was seen to put in his pouch
that morning, two were still there; a white handkerchief
was thrust into the muzzle of the piece, and re-turned
unsoiled or blackened. To the defence founded
on these circumstances it was answered, that Porteous
had not used his own piece, but had been seen to take
one from a soldier. Among the many who had been
killed and wounded by the unhappy fire, there were
several of better rank; for even the humanity of such
soldiers as fired over the heads of the mere rabble
around the scaffold, proved in some instances fatal
to persons who were stationed in windows, or observed
the melancholy scene from a distance. The voice
of public indignation was loud and general; and, ere
men’s tempers had time to cool, the trial of
Captain Porteous took place before the High Court
of Justiciary. After a long and patient hearing,
the jury had the difficult duty of balancing the positive
evidence of many persons, and those of respectability,
who deposed positively to the prisoner’s commanding
his soldiers to fire, and himself firing his piece,
of which some swore that they saw the smoke and flash,
and beheld a man drop at whom it was pointed, with
the negative testimony of others, who, though well
stationed for seeing what had passed, neither heard
Porteous give orders to fire, nor saw him fire himself;
but, on the contrary, averred that the first shot
was fired by a soldier who stood close by him.
A great part of his defence was also founded on the
turbulence of the mob, which witnesses, according
to their feelings, their predilections, and their
opportunities of observation, represented differently;
some describing as a formidable riot, what others
represented as a trifling disturbance such as always
used to take place on the like occasions, when the
executioner of the law, and the men commissioned to
protect him in his task, were generally exposed to
some indignities. The verdict of the jury sufficiently
shows how the evidence preponderated in their minds.
It declared that John Porteous fired a gun among the
people assembled at the execution; that he gave orders
to his soldiers to fire, by which many persons were
killed and wounded; but, at the same time, that the
prisoner and his guard had been wounded and beaten,
by stones thrown at them by the multitude. Upon
this verdict, the Lords of Justiciary passed sentence
of death against Captain John Porteous, adjudging
him, in the common form, to be hanged on a gibbet at
the common place of execution, on Wednesday, 8th September
1736, and all his movable property to be forfeited
to the king’s use, according to the Scottish
law in cases of wilful murder.
The signatures affixed to the death-warrant of Captain
Porteous were—
Andrew Fletcher of Milton, Lord Justice-Clerk.
Sir James Mackenzie, Lord Royston.
David Erskine, Lord Dun.
Sir Walter Pringle, Lord Newhall.
Sir Gilbert Elliot, Lord Minto.