1. The Meaning of Taboo
THUS in primitive society the rules
of ceremonial purity observed by divine kings, chiefs,
and priests agree in many respects with the rules
observed by homicides, mourners, women in childbed,
girls at puberty, hunters and fishermen, and so on.
To us these various classes of persons appear to differ
totally in character and condition; some of them we
should call holy, others we might pronounce unclean
and polluted. But the savage makes no such moral
distinction between them; the conceptions of holiness
and pollution are not yet differentiated in his mind.
To him the common feature of all these persons is
that they are dangerous and in danger, and the danger
in which they stand and to which they expose others
is what we should call spiritual or ghostly, and therefore
imaginary. The danger, however, is not less real
because it is imaginary; imagination acts upon man
as really as does gravitation, and may kill him as
certainly as a dose of prussic acid. To seclude
these persons from the rest of the world so that the
dreaded spiritual danger shall neither reach them
nor spread from them, is the object of the taboos
which they have to observe. These taboos act,
so to say, as electrical insulators to preserve the
spiritual force with which these persons are charged
from suffering or inflicting harm by contact with
the outer world.
To the illustrations of these general
principles which have been already given I shall now
add some more, drawing my examples, first, from the
class of tabooed things, and, second, from the class
of tabooed words; for in the opinion of the savage
both things and words may, like persons, be charged
or electrified, either temporarily or permanently,
with the mysterious virtue of taboo, and may therefore
require to be banished for a longer or shorter time
from the familiar usage of common life. And the
examples will be chosen with special reference to
those sacred chiefs, kings and priests, who, more
than anybody else, live fenced about by taboo as by
a wall. Tabooed things will be illustrated in
the present chapter, and tabooed words in the next.
2. Iron tabooed
IN THE FIRST place we may observe
that the awful sanctity of kings naturally leads to
a prohibition to touch their sacred persons. Thus
it was unlawful to lay hands on the person of a Spartan
king: no one might touch the body of the king
or queen of Tahiti: it is forbidden to touch
the person of the king of Siam under pain of death;
and no one may touch the king of Cambodia, for any
purpose whatever, without his express command.
In July 1874 the king was thrown from his carriage
and lay insensible on the ground, but not one of his
suite dared to touch him; a European coming to the
spot carried the injured monarch to his palace.
Formerly no one might touch the king of Corea; and
if he deigned to touch a subject, the spot touched
became sacred, and the person thus honoured had to
wear a visible mark (generally a cord of red silk)
for the rest of his life. Above all, no iron
might touch the king’s body. In 1800 King
Tieng-tsong-tai-oang died of a tumour in the back,
no one dreaming of employing the lancet, which would
probably have saved his life. It is said that
one king suffered terribly from an abscess in the
lip, till his physician called in a jester, whose pranks
made the king laugh heartily, and so the abscess burst.
Roman and Sabine priests might not be shaved with
iron but only with bronze razors or shears; and whenever
an iron graving-tool was brought into the sacred grove
of the Arval Brothers at Rome for the purpose of cutting
an inscription in stone, an expiatory sacrifice of
a lamb and a pig must be offered, which was repeated
when the graving-tool was removed from the grove.
As a general rule iron might not be brought into Greek
sanctuaries. In Crete sacrifices were offered
to Menedemus without the use of iron, because the
legend ran that Menedemus had been killed by an iron
weapon in the Trojan war. The Archon of Plataea
might not touch iron; but once a year, at the annual
commemoration of the men who fell at the battle of
Plataea, he was allowed to carry a sword wherewith
to sacrifice a bull. To this day a Hottentot
priest never uses an iron knife, but always a sharp
splint of quartz, in sacrificing an animal or circumcising
a lad. Among the Ovambo of South-west Africa
custom requires that lads should be circumcised with
a sharp flint; if none is to hand, the operation may
be performed with iron, but the iron must afterwards
be buried. Amongst the Moquis of Arizona stone
knives, hatchets, and so on have passed out of common
use, but are retained in religious ceremonies.
After the Pawnees had ceased to use stone arrow-heads
for ordinary purposes, they still employed them to
slay the sacrifices, whether human captives or buffalo
and deer. Amongst the Jews no iron tool was used
in building the Temple at Jerusalem or in making an
altar. The old wooden bridge (Pons Sublicius)
at Rome, which was considered sacred, was made and
had to be kept in repair without the use of iron or
bronze. It was expressly provided by law that
the temple of Jupiter Liber at Furfo might be repaired
with iron tools. The council chamber at Cyzicus
was constructed of wood without any iron nails, the
beams being so arranged that they could be taken out
and replaced.
This superstitious objection to iron
perhaps dates from that early time in the history
of society when iron was still a novelty, and as such
was viewed by many with suspicion and dislike.
For everything new is apt to excite the awe and dread
of the savage. “It is a curious superstition,”
says a pioneer in Borneo, “this of the Dusuns,
to attribute anything—whether good or bad,
lucky or unlucky—that happens to them to
something novel which has arrived in their country.
For instance, my living in Kindram has caused the
intensely hot weather we have experienced of late.”
The unusually heavy rains which happened to follow
the English survey of the Nicobar Islands in the winter
of 1886-1887 were imputed by the alarmed natives to
the wrath of the spirits at the theodolites, dumpy-levellers,
and other strange instruments which had been set up
in so many of their favourite haunts; and some of them
proposed to soothe the anger of the spirits by sacrificing
a pig. In the seventeenth century a succession
of bad seasons excited a revolt among the Esthonian
peasantry, who traced the origin of the evil to a
watermill, which put a stream to some inconvenience
by checking its flow. The first introduction
of iron ploughshares into Poland having been followed
by a succession of bad harvests, the farmers attributed
the badness of the crops to the iron ploughshares,
and discarded them for the old wooden ones. To
this day the primitive Baduwis of Java, who live chiefly
by husbandry, will use no iron tools in tilling their
fields.
The general dislike of innovation,
which always makes itself strongly felt in the sphere
of religion, is sufficient by itself to account for
the superstitious aversion to iron entertained by kings
and priests and attributed by them to the gods; possibly
this aversion may have been intensified in places
by some such accidental cause as the series of bad
seasons which cast discredit on iron ploughshares
in Poland. But the disfavour in which iron is
held by the gods and their ministers has another side.
Their antipathy to the metal furnishes men with a
weapon which may be turned against the spirits when
occasion serves. As their dislike of iron is
supposed to be so great that they will not approach
persons and things protected by the obnoxious metal,
iron may obviously be employed as a charm for banning
ghosts and other dangerous spirits. And often
it is so used. Thus in the Highlands of Scotland
the great safeguard against the elfin race is iron,
or, better yet, steel. The metal in any form,
whether as a sword, a knife, a gun-barrel, or what
not, is all-powerful for this purpose. Whenever
you enter a fairy dwelling you should always remember
to stick a piece of steel, such as a knife, a needle,
or a fish-hook, in the door; for then the elves will
not be able to shut the door till you come out again.
So, too, when you have shot a deer and are bringing
it home at night, be sure to thrust a knife into the
carcase, for that keeps the fairies from laying their
weight on it. A knife or nail in your pocket is
quite enough to prevent the fairies from lifting you
up at night. Nails in the front of a bed ward
off elves from women “in the straw” and
from their babes; but to make quite sure it is better
to put the smoothing-iron under the bed, and the reaping-hook
in the window. If a bull has fallen over a rock
and been killed, a nail stuck into it will preserve
the flesh from the fairies. Music discoursed on
a Jew’s harp keeps the elfin women away from
the hunter, because the tongue of the instrument is
of steel. In Morocco iron is considered a great
protection against demons; hence it is usual to place
a knife or dagger under a sick man’s pillow.
The Singhalese believe that they are constantly surrounded
by evil spirits, who lie in wait to do them harm.
A peasant would not dare to carry good food, such
as cakes or roast meat, from one place to another without
putting an iron nail on it to prevent a demon from
taking possession of the viands and so making the
eater ill. No sick person, whether man or woman,
would venture out of the house without a bunch of keys
or a knife in his hand, for without such a talisman
he would fear that some devil might take advantage
of his weak state to slip into his body. And
if a man has a large sore on his body he tries to keep
a morsel of iron on it as a protection against demons.
On the Slave Coast when a mother sees her child gradually
wasting away, she concludes that a demon has entered
into the child, and takes her measures accordingly.
To lure the demon out of the body of her offspring,
she offers a sacrifice of food; and while the devil
is bolting it, she attaches iron rings and small bells
to her child’s ankles and hangs iron chains
round his neck. The jingling of the iron and
the tinkling of the bells are supposed to prevent the
demon, when he has concluded his repast, from entering
again into the body of the little sufferer. Hence
many children may be seen in this part of Africa weighed
down with iron ornaments.
3. Sharp Weapons tabooed
THERE is a priestly king to the north
of Zengwih in Burma, revered by the Sotih as the highest
spiritual and temporal authority, into whose house
no weapon or cutting instrument may be brought.
This rule may perhaps be explained by a custom observed
by various peoples after a death; they refrain from
the use of sharp instruments so long as the ghost
of the deceased is supposed to be near, lest they
should wound it. Thus among the Esquimaux of Bering
Strait “during the day on which a person dies
in the village no one is permitted to work, and the
relatives must perform no labour during the three
following days. It is especially forbidden during
this period to cut with any edged instrument, such
as a knife or an axe; and the use of pointed instruments,
like needles or bodkins, is also forbidden. This
is said to be done to avoid cutting or injuring the
shade, which may be present at any time during this
period, and, if accidentally injured by any of these
things, it would become very angry and bring sickness
or death to the people. The relatives must also
be very careful at this time not to make any loud or
harsh noises that may startle or anger the shade.”
We have seen that in like manner after killing a white
whale these Esquimaux abstain from the use of cutting
or pointed instruments for four days, lest they should
unwittingly cut or stab the whale’s ghost.
The same taboo is sometimes observed by them when
there is a sick person in the village, probably from
a fear of injuring his shade which may be hovering
outside of his body. After a death the Roumanians
of Transylvania are careful not to leave a knife lying
with the sharp edge uppermost so long as the corpse
remains in the house, “or else the soul will
be forced to ride on the blade.” For seven
days after a death, the corpse being still in the
house, the Chinese abstain from the use of knives
and needles, and even of chopsticks, eating their
food with their fingers. On the third, sixth,
ninth, and fortieth days after the funeral the old
Prussians and Lithuanians used to prepare a meal,
to which, standing at the door, they invited the soul
of the deceased. At these meals they sat silent
round the table and used no knives and the women who
served up the food were also without knives.
If any morsels fell from the table they were left
lying there for the lonely souls that had no living
relations or friends to feed them. When the meal
was over the priest took a broom and swept the souls
out of the house, saying, “Dear souls, ye have
eaten and drunk. Go forth, go forth.”
We can now understand why no cutting instrument may
be taken into the house of the Burmese pontiff.
Like so many priestly kings, he is probably regarded
as divine, and it is therefore right that his sacred
spirit should not be exposed to the risk of being
cut or wounded whenever it quits his body to hover
invisible in the air or to fly on some distant mission.
4. Blood tabooed
WE have seen that the Flamen Dialis
was forbidden to touch or even name raw flesh.
At certain times a Brahman teacher is enjoined not
to look on raw flesh, blood, or persons whose hands
have been cut off. In Uganda the father of twins
is in a state of taboo for some time after birth;
among other rules he is forbidden to kill anything
or to see blood. In the Pelew Islands when a raid
has been made on a village and a head carried off,
the relations of the slain man are tabooed and have
to submit to certain observances in order to escape
the wrath of his ghost. They are shut up in the
house, touch no raw flesh, and chew betel over which
an incantation has been uttered by the exorcist.
After this the ghost of the slaughtered man goes away
to the enemy’s country in pursuit of his murderer.
The taboo is probably based on the common belief that
the soul or spirit of the animal is in the blood.
As tabooed persons are believed to be in a perilous
state—for example, the relations of the
slain man are liable to the attacks of his indignant
ghost—it is especially necessary to isolate
them from contact with spirits; hence the prohibition
to touch raw meat. But as usual the taboo is only
the special enforcement of a general precept; in other
words, its observance is particularly enjoined in
circumstances which seem urgently to call for its
application, but apart from such circumstances the
prohibition is also observed, though less strictly,
as a common rule of life. Thus some of the Esthonians
will not taste blood because they believe that it
contains the animal’s soul, which would enter
the body of the person who tasted the blood.
Some Indian tribes of North America, “through
a strong principle of religion, abstain in the strictest
manner from eating the blood of any animal, as it
contains the life and spirit of the beast.”
Jewish hunters poured out the blood of the game they
had killed and covered it up with dust. They
would not taste the blood, believing that the soul
or life of the animal was in the blood, or actually
was the blood.
It is a common rule that royal blood
may not be shed upon the ground. Hence when a
king or one of his family is to be put to death a
mode of execution is devised by which the royal blood
shall not be spilt upon the earth. About the
year 1688 the generalissimo of the army rebelled against
the king of Siam and put him to death “after
the manner of royal criminals, or as princes of the
blood are treated when convicted of capital crimes,
which is by putting them into a large iron caldron,
and pounding them to pieces with wooden pestles, because
none of their royal blood must be spilt on the ground,
it being, by their religion, thought great impiety
to contaminate the divine blood by mixing it with
earth.” When Kublai Khan defeated and took
his uncle Nayan, who had rebelled against him, he
caused Nayan to be put to death by being wrapt in a
carpet and tossed to and fro till he died, “because
he would not have the blood of his Line Imperial spilt
upon the ground or exposed in the eye of Heaven and
before the Sun.” “Friar Ricold mentions
the Tartar maxim: ’One Khan will put another
to death to get possession of the throne, but he takes
great care that the blood be not spilt. For they
say that it is highly improper that the blood of the
Great Khan should be spilt upon the ground; so they
cause the victim to be smothered somehow or other.’
The like feeling prevails at the court of Burma, where
a peculiar mode of execution without bloodshed is
reserved for princes of the blood.”
The reluctance to spill royal blood
seems to be only a particular case of a general unwillingness
to shed blood or at least to allow it to fall on the
ground. Marco Polo tells us that in his day persons
caught in the streets of Cambaluc (Peking) at unseasonable
hours were arrested, and if found guilty of a misdemeanor
were beaten with a stick. “Under this punishment
people sometimes die, but they adopt it in order to
eschew bloodshed, for their Bacsis say that
it is an evil thing to shed man’s blood.”
In West Sussex people believe that the ground on which
human blood has been shed is accursed and will remain
barren for ever. Among some primitive peoples,
when the blood of a tribesman has to be spilt it is
not suffered to fall upon the ground, but is received
upon the bodies of his fellow-tribesmen. Thus
in some Australian tribes boys who are being circumcised
are laid on a platform, formed by the living bodies
of the tribesmen; and when a boy’s tooth is knocked
out as an initiatory ceremony, he is seated on the
shoulders of a man, on whose breast the blood flows
and may not be wiped away. “Also the Gauls
used to drink their enemies’ blood and paint
themselves therewith. So also they write that
the old Irish were wont; and so have I seen some of
the Irish do, but not their enemies’ but friends’
blood, as, namely, at the execution of a notable traitor
at Limerick, called Murrogh O’Brien, I saw an
old woman, which was his foster-mother, take up his
head whilst he was quartered and suck up all the blood
that ran thereout, saying that the earth was not worthy
to drink it, and therewith also steeped her face and
breast and tore her hair, crying out and shrieking
most terribly.” Among the Latuka of Central
Africa the earth on which a drop of blood has fallen
at childbirth is carefully scraped up with an iron
shovel, put into a pot along with the water used in
washing the mother, and buried tolerably deep outside
the house on the left-hand side. In West Africa,
if a drop of your blood has fallen on the ground, you
must carefully cover it up, rub and stamp it into the
soil; if it has fallen on the side of a canoe or a
tree, the place is cut out and the chip destroyed.
One motive of these African customs may be a wish
to prevent the blood from falling into the hands of
magicians, who might make an evil use of it.
That is admittedly the reason why people in West Africa
stamp out any blood of theirs which has dropped on
the ground or cut out any wood that has been soaked
with it. From a like dread of sorcery natives
of New Guinea are careful to burn any sticks, leaves,
or rags which are stained with their blood; and if
the blood has dripped on the ground they turn up the
soil and if possible light a fire on the spot.
The same fear explains the curious duties discharged
by a class of men called ramanga or “blue
blood” among the Betsileo of Madagascar.
It is their business to eat all the nail-parings and
to lick up all the spilt blood of the nobles.
When the nobles pare their nails, the parings are
collected to the last scrap and swallowed by these
ramanga. If the parings are too large, they
are minced small and so gulped down. Again, should
a nobleman wound himself, say in cutting his nails
or treading on something, the ramanga lick up
the blood as fast as possible. Nobles of high
rank hardly go anywhere without these humble attendants;
but if it should happen that there are none of them
present, the cut nails and the spilt blood are carefully
collected to be afterwards swallowed by the ramanga.
There is scarcely a nobleman of any pretensions who
does not strictly observe this custom, the intention
of which probably is to prevent these parts of his
person from falling into the hands of sorcerers, who
on the principles of contagious magic could work him
harm thereby.
The general explanation of the reluctance
to shed blood on the ground is probably to be found
in the belief that the soul is in the blood, and that
therefore any ground on which it may fall necessarily
becomes taboo or sacred. In New Zealand anything
upon which even a drop of a high chief’s blood
chances to fall becomes taboo or sacred to him.
For instance, a party of natives having come to visit
a chief in a fine new canoe, the chief got into it,
but in doing so a splinter entered his foot, and the
blood trickled on the canoe, which at once became
sacred to him. The owner jumped out, dragged
the canoe ashore opposite the chief’s house,
and left it there. Again, a chief in entering
a missionary’s house knocked his head against
a beam, and the blood flowed. The natives said
that in former times the house would have belonged
to the chief. As usually happens with taboos
of universal application, the prohibition to spill
the blood of a tribesman on the ground applies with
peculiar stringency to chiefs and kings, and is observed
in their case long after it has ceased to be observed
in the case of others.
5. The Head tabooed
MANY peoples regard the head as peculiarly
sacred; the special sanctity attributed to it is sometimes
explained by a belief that it contains a spirit which
is very sensitive to injury or disrespect. Thus
the Yorubas hold that every man has three spiritual
inmates, of whom the first, called Olori, dwells in
the head and is the man’s protector, guardian,
and guide. Offerings are made to this spirit,
chiefly of fowls, and some of the blood mixed with
palmoil is rubbed on the forehead. The Karens
suppose that a being called the tso resides
in the upper part of the head, and while it retains
its seat no harm can befall the person from the efforts
of the seven Kelahs, or personified passions.
“But if the tso becomes heedless or weak
certain evil to the person is the result. Hence
the head is carefully attended to, and all possible
pains are taken to provide such dress and attire as
will be pleasing to the tso.” The Siamese
think that a spirit called khuan or kwun
dwells in the human head, of which it is the guardian
spirit. The spirit must be carefully protected
from injury of every kind; hence the act of shaving
or cutting the hair is accompanied with many ceremonies.
The kwun is very sensitive on points of honour,
and would feel mortally insulted if the head in which
he resides were touched by the hand of a stranger.
The Cambodians esteem it a grave offence to touch
a man’s head; some of them will not enter a place
where anything whatever is suspended over their heads;
and the meanest Cambodian would never consent to live
under an inhabited room. Hence the houses are
built of one story only; and even the Government respects
the prejudice by never placing a prisoner in the stocks
under the floor of a house, though the houses are raised
high above the ground. The same superstition
exists amongst the Malays; for an early traveller
reports that in Java people “wear nothing on
their heads, and say that nothing must be on their
heads . . . and if any person were to put his hand
upon their head they would kill him; and they do not
build houses with storeys, in order that they may not
walk over each other’s heads.”
The same superstition as to the head
is found in full force throughout Polynesia.
Thus of Gattanewa, a Marquesan chief, it is said that
“to touch the top of his head, or anything which
had been on his head, was sacrilege. To pass
over his head was an indignity never to be forgotten.”
The son of a Marquesan high priest has been seen to
roll on the ground in an agony of rage and despair,
begging for death, because some one had desecrated
his head and deprived him of his divinity by sprinkling
a few drops of water on his hair. But it was
not the Marquesan chiefs only whose heads were sacred.
The head of every Marquesan was taboo, and might neither
be touched nor stepped over by another; even a father
might not step over the head of his sleeping child;
women were forbidden to carry or touch anything that
had been in contact with, or had merely hung over,
the head of their husband or father. No one was
allowed to be over the head of the king of Tonga.
In Tahiti any one who stood over the king or queen,
or passed his hand over their heads, might be put to
death. Until certain rites were performed over
it, a Tahitian infant was especially taboo; whatever
touched the child’s head, while it was in this
state, became sacred and was deposited in a consecrated
place railed in for the purpose at the child’s
house. If a branch of a tree touched the child’s
head, the tree was cut down; and if in its fall it
injured another tree so as to penetrate the bark, that
tree also was cut down as unclean and unfit for use.
After the rites were performed these special taboos
ceased; but the head of a Tahitian was always sacred,
he never carried anything on it, and to touch it was
an offence. So sacred was the head of a Maori
chief that “if he only touched it with his fingers,
he was obliged immediately to apply them to his nose,
and snuff up the sanctity which they had acquired
by the touch, and thus restore it to the part from
whence it was taken.” On account of the
sacredness of his head a Maori chief “could
not blow the fire with his mouth, for the breath being
sacred, communicated his sanctity to it, and a brand
might be taken by a slave, or a man of another tribe,
or the fire might be used for other purposes, such
as cooking, and so cause his death.”
6. Hair tabooed
WHEN the head was considered so sacred
that it might not even be touched without grave offence,
it is obvious that the cutting of the hair must have
been a delicate and difficult operation. The
difficulties and dangers which, on the primitive view,
beset the operation are of two kinds. There is
first the danger of disturbing the spirit of the head,
which may be injured in the process and may revenge
itself upon the person who molests him. Secondly,
there is the difficulty of disposing of the shorn
locks. For the savage believes that the sympathetic
connexion which exists between himself and every part
of his body continues to exist even after the physical
connexion has been broken, and that therefore he will
suffer from any harm that may befall the several parts
of his body, such as the clippings of his hair or
the parings of his nails. Accordingly he takes
care that these severed portions of himself shall
not be left in places where they might either be exposed
to accidental injury or fall into the hands of malicious
persons who might work magic on them to his detriment
or death. Such dangers are common to all, but
sacred persons have more to fear from them than ordinary
people, so the precautions taken by them are proportionately
stringent. The simplest way of evading the peril
is not to cut the hair at all; and this is the expedient
adopted where the risk is thought to be more than
usually great. The Frankish kings were never
allowed to crop their hair; from their childhood upwards
they had to keep it unshorn. To poll the long
locks that floated on their shoulders would have been
to renounce their right to the throne. When the
wicked brothers Clotaire and Childebert coveted the
kingdom of their dead brother Clodomir, they inveigled
into their power their little nephews, the two sons
of Clodomir; and having done so, they sent a messenger
bearing scissors and a naked sword to the children’s
grandmother, Queen Clotilde, at Paris. The envoy
showed the scissors and the sword to Clotilde, and
bade her choose whether the children should be shorn
and live or remain unshorn and die. The proud
queen replied that if her grandchildren were not to
come to the throne she would rather see them dead than
shorn. And murdered they were by their ruthless
uncle Clotaire with his own hand. The king of
Ponape, one of the Caroline Islands, must wear his
hair long, and so must his grandees. Among the
Hos, a negro tribe of West Africa, “there are
priests on whose head no razor may come during the
whole of their lives. The god who dwells in the
man forbids the cutting of his hair on pain of death.
If the hair is at last too long, the owner must pray
to his god to allow him at least to clip the tips
of it. The hair is in fact conceived as the seat
and lodging-place of his god, so that were it shorn
the god would lose his abode in the priest.”
The members of a Masai clan, who are believed to possess
the art of making rain, may not pluck out their beards,
because the loss of their beards would, it is supposed,
entail the loss of their rain-making powers. The
head chief and the sorcerers of the Masai observe
the same rule for a like reason: they think that
were they to pull out their beards, their supernatural
gifts would desert them.
Again, men who have taken a vow of
vengeance sometimes keep their hair unshorn till they
have fulfilled their vow. Thus of the Marquesans
we are told that “occasionally they have their
head entirely shaved, except one lock on the crown,
which is worn loose or put up in a knot. But
the latter mode of wearing the hair is only adopted
by them when they have a solemn vow, as to revenge
the death of some near relation, etc. In
such case the lock is never cut off until they have
fulfilled their promise.” A similar custom
was sometimes observed by the ancient Germans; among
the Chatti the young warriors never clipped their
hair or their beard till they had slain an enemy.
Among the Toradjas, when a child’s hair is cut
to rid it of vermin, some locks are allowed to remain
on the crown of the head as a refuge for one of the
child’s souls. Otherwise the soul would
have no place in which to settle, and the child would
sicken. The Karo-Bataks are much afraid of frightening
away the soul of a child; hence when they cut its
hair, they always leave a patch unshorn, to which
the soul can retreat before the shears. Usually
this lock remains unshorn all through life, or at least
up till manhood.
7. Ceremonies at Hair-cutting
BUT when it becomes necessary to crop
the hair, measures are taken to lessen the dangers
which are supposed to attend the operation. The
chief of Namosi in Fiji always ate a man by way of
precaution when he had had his hair cut. “There
was a certain clan that had to provide the victim,
and they used to sit in solemn council among themselves
to choose him. It was a sacrificial feast to avert
evil from the chief.” Amongst the Maoris
many spells were uttered at hair-cutting; one, for
example, was spoken to consecrate the obsidian knife
with which the hair was cut; another was pronounced
to avert the thunder and lightning which hair-cutting
was believed to cause. “He who has had
his hair cut is in immediate charge of the Atua (spirit);
he is removed from the contact and society of his
family and his tribe; he dare not touch his food himself;
it is put into his mouth by another person; nor can
he for some days resume his accustomed occupations
or associate with his fellow-men.” The
person who cuts the hair is also tabooed; his hands
having been in contact with a sacred head, he may
not touch food with them or engage in any other employment;
he is fed by another person with food cooked over
a sacred fire. He cannot be released from the
taboo before the following day, when he rubs his hands
with potato or fern root which has been cooked on
a sacred fire; and this food having been taken to
the head of the family in the female line and eaten
by her, his hands are freed from the taboo. In
some parts of New Zealand the most sacred day of the
year was that appointed for hair-cutting; the people
assembled in large numbers on that day from all the
neighbourhood.
8. Disposal of Cut Hair and Nails
BUT even when the hair and nails have
been safely cut, there remains the difficulty of disposing
of them, for their owner believes himself liable to
suffer from any harm that may befall them. The
notion that a man may be bewitched by means of the
clippings of his hair, the parings of his nails, or
any other severed portion of his person is almost
world-wide, and attested by evidence too ample, too
familiar, and too tedious in its uniformity to be here
analysed at length. The general idea on which
the superstition rests is that of the sympathetic
connexion supposed to persist between a person and
everything that has once been part of his body or in
any way closely related to him. A very few examples
must suffice. They belong to that branch of sympathetic
magic which may be called contagious. Dread of
sorcery, we are told, formed one of the most salient
characteristics of the Marquesan islanders in the old
days. The sorcerer took some of the hair, spittle,
or other bodily refuse of the man he wished to injure,
wrapped it up in a leaf, and placed the packet in
a bag woven of threads or fibres, which were knotted
in an intricate way. The whole was then buried
with certain rites, and thereupon the victim wasted
away of a languishing sickness which lasted twenty
days. His life, however, might be saved by discovering
and digging up the buried hair, spittle, or what not;
for as soon as this was done the power of the charm
ceased. A Maori sorcerer intent on bewitching
somebody sought to get a tress of his victim’s
hair, the parings of his nails, some of his spittle,
or a shred of his garment. Having obtained the
object, whatever it was, he chanted certain spells
and curses over it in a falsetto voice and buried it
in the ground. As the thing decayed, the person
to whom it had belonged was supposed to waste away.
When an Australian blackfellow wishes to get rid of
his wife, he cuts off a lock of her hair in her sleep,
ties it to his spear-thrower, and goes with it to a
neighbouring tribe, where he gives it to a friend.
His friend sticks the spear-thrower up every night
before the camp fire, and when it falls down it is
a sign that the wife is dead. The way in which
the charm operates was explained to Dr. Howitt by
a Wirajuri man. “You see,” he said,
“when a blackfellow doctor gets hold of something
belonging to a man and roasts it with things, and sings
over it, the fire catches hold of the smell of the
man, and that settles the poor fellow.”
The Huzuls of the Carpathians imagine
that if mice get a person’s shorn hair and make
a nest of it, the person will suffer from headache
or even become idiotic. Similarly in Germany it
is a common notion that if birds find a person’s
cut hair, and build their nests with it, the person
will suffer from headache; sometimes it is thought
that he will have an eruption on the head. The
same superstition prevails, or used to prevail, in
West Sussex.
Again it is thought that cut or combed-out
hair may disturb the weather by producing rain and
hail, thunder and lightning. We have seen that
in New Zealand a spell was uttered at hair-cutting
to avert thunder and lightning. In the Tyrol,
witches are supposed to use cut or combed-out hair
to make hailstones or thunderstorms with. Thlinkeet
Indians have been known to attribute stormy weather
to the rash act of a girl who had combed her hair
outside of the house. The Romans seem to have
held similar views, for it was a maxim with them that
no one on shipboard should cut his hair or nails except
in a storm, that is, when the mischief was already
done. In the Highlands of Scotland it is said
that no sister should comb her hair at night if she
have a brother at sea. In West Africa, when the
Mani of Chitombe or Jumba died, the people used to
run in crowds to the corpse and tear out his hair,
teeth, and nails, which they kept as a rain-charm,
believing that otherwise no rain would fall. The
Makoko of the Anzikos begged the missionaries to give
him half their beards as a rain-charm.
If cut hair and nails remain in sympathetic
connexion with the person from whose body they have
been severed, it is clear that they can be used as
hostages for his good behaviour by any one who may
chance to possess them; for on the principles of contagious
magic he has only to injure the hair or nails in order
to hurt simultaneously their original owner.
Hence when the Nandi have taken a prisoner they shave
his head and keep the shorn hair as a surety that he
will not attempt to escape; but when the captive is
ransomed, they return his shorn hair with him to his
own people.
To preserve the cut hair and nails
from injury and from the dangerous uses to which they
may be put by sorcerers, it is necessary to deposit
them in some safe place. The shorn locks of a
Maori chief were gathered with much care and placed
in an adjoining cemetery. The Tahitians buried
the cuttings of their hair at the temples. In
the streets of Soku a modern traveller observed cairns
of large stones piled against walls with tufts of human
hair inserted in the crevices. On asking the
meaning of this, he was told that when any native
of the place polled his hair he carefully gathered
up the clippings and deposited them in one of these
cairns, all of which were sacred to the fetish and
therefore inviolable. These cairns of sacred
stones, he further learned, were simply a precaution
against witchcraft, for if a man were not thus careful
in disposing of his hair, some of it might fall into
the hands of his enemies, who would, by means of it,
be able to cast spells over him and so compass his
destruction. When the top-knot of a Siamese child
has been cut with great ceremony, the short hairs are
put into a little vessel made of plantain leaves and
set adrift on the nearest river or canal. As
they float away, all that was wrong or harmful in
the child’s disposition is believed to depart
with them. The long hairs are kept till the child
makes a pilgrimage to the holy Footprint of Buddha
on the sacred hill at Prabat. They are then presented
to the priests, who are supposed to make them into
brushes with which they sweep the Footprint; but in
fact so much hair is thus offered every year that
the priests cannot use it all, so they quietly burn
the superfluity as soon as the pilgrims’ backs
are turned. The cut hair and nails of the Flamen
Dialis were buried under a lucky tree. The shorn
tresses of the Vestal Virgins were hung on an ancient
lotus-tree.
Often the clipped hair and nails are
stowed away in any secret place, not necessarily in
a temple or cemetery or at a tree, as in the cases
already mentioned. Thus in Swabia you are recommended
to deposit your clipped hair in some spot where neither
sun nor moon can shine on it, for example in the earth
or under a stone. In Danzig it is buried in a
bag under the threshold. In Ugi, one of the Solomon
Islands, men bury their hair lest it should fall into
the hands of an enemy, who would make magic with it
and so bring sickness or calamity on them. The
same fear seems to be general in Melanesia, and has
led to a regular practice of hiding cut hair and nails.
The same practice prevails among many tribes of South
Africa, from a fear lest wizards should get hold of
the severed particles and work evil with them.
The Caffres carry still further this dread of allowing
any portion of themselves to fall into the hands of
an enemy; for not only do they bury their cut hair
and nails in a secret spot, but when one of them cleans
the head of another he preserves the vermin which
he catches, “carefully delivering them to the
person to whom they originally appertained, supposing,
according to their theory, that as they derived their
support from the blood of the man from whom they were
taken, should they be killed by another, the blood
of his neighbour would be in his possession, thus
placing in his hands the power of some superhuman influence.”
Sometimes the severed hair and nails
are preserved, not to prevent them from falling into
the hands of a magician, but that the owner may have
them at the resurrection of the body, to which some
races look forward. Thus the Incas of Peru “took
extreme care to preserve the nail-parings and the
hairs that were shorn off or torn out with a comb;
placing them in holes or niches in the walls; and if
they fell out, any other Indian that saw them picked
them up and put them in their places again. I
very often asked different Indians, at various times,
why they did this, in order to see what they would
say, and they all replied in the same words saying,
’Know that all persons who are born must return
to life’ (they have no word to express resurrection),
’and the souls must rise out of their tombs
with all that belonged to their bodies. We, therefore,
in order that we may not have to search for our hair
and nails at a time when there will be much hurry
and confusion, place them in one place, that they
may be brought together more conveniently, and, whenever
it is possible, we are also careful to spit in one
place.’” Similarly the Turks never throw
away the parings of their nails, but carefully stow
them in cracks of the walls or of the boards, in the
belief that they will be needed at the resurrection.
The Armenians do not throw away their cut hair and
nails and extracted teeth, but hide them in places
that are esteemed holy, such as a crack in the church
wall, a pillar of the house, or a hollow tree.
They think that all these severed portions of themselves
will be wanted at the resurrection, and that he who
has not stowed them away in a safe place will have
to hunt about for them on the great day. In the
village of Drumconrath in Ireland there used to be
some old women who, having ascertained from Scripture
that the hairs of their heads were all numbered by
the Almighty, expected to have to account for them
at the day of judgment. In order to be able to
do so they stuffed the severed hair away in the thatch
of their cottages.
Some people burn their loose hair
to save it from falling into the hands of sorcerers.
This is done by the Patagonians and some of the Victorian
tribes. In the Upper Vosges they say that you
should never leave the clippings of your hair and
nails lying about, but burn them to hinder the sorcerers
from using them against you. For the same reason
Italian women either burn their loose hairs or throw
them into a place where no one is likely to look for
them. The almost universal dread of witchcraft
induces the West African negroes, the Makololo of
South Africa, and the Tahitians to burn or bury their
shorn hair. In the Tyrol many people burn their
hair lest the witches should use it to raise thunderstorms;
others burn or bury it to prevent the birds from lining
their nests with it, which would cause the heads from
which the hair came to ache.
This destruction of the hair and nails
plainly involves an inconsistency of thought.
The object of the destruction is avowedly to prevent
these severed portions of the body from being used
by sorcerers. But the possibility of their being
so used depends upon the supposed sympathetic connexion
between them and the man from whom they were severed.
And if this sympathetic connexion still exists, clearly
these severed portions cannot be destroyed without
injury to the man.
9. Spittle tabooed
THE SAME fear of witchcraft which
has led so many people to hide or destroy their loose
hair and nails has induced other or the same people
to treat their spittle in a like fashion. For
on the principles of sympathetic magic the spittle
is part of the man, and whatever is done to it will
have a corresponding effect on him. A Chilote
Indian, who has gathered up the spittle of an enemy,
will put it in a potato, and hang the potato in the
smoke, uttering certain spells as he does so in the
belief that his foe will waste away as the potato
dries in the smoke. Or he will put the spittle
in a frog and throw the animal into an inaccessible,
unnavigable river, which will make the victim quake
and shake with ague. The natives of Urewera,
a district of New Zealand, enjoyed a high reputation
for their skill in magic. It was said that they
made use of people’s spittle to bewitch them.
Hence visitors were careful to conceal their spittle,
lest they should furnish these wizards with a handle
for working them harm. Similarly among some tribes
of South Africa no man will spit when an enemy is
near, lest his foe should find the spittle and give
it to a wizard, who would then mix it with magical
ingredients so as to injure the person from whom it
fell. Even in a man’s own house his saliva
is carefully swept away and obliterated for a similar
reason.
If common folk are thus cautious,
it is natural that kings and chiefs should be doubly
so. In the Sandwich Islands chiefs were attended
by a confidential servant bearing a portable spittoon,
and the deposit was carefully buried every morning
to put it out of the reach of sorcerers. On the
Slave Coast, for the same reason, whenever a king
or chief expectorates, the saliva is scrupulously
gathered up and hidden or buried. The same precautions
are taken for the same reason with the spittle of
the chief of Tabali in Southern Nigeria.
The magical use to which spittle may
be put marks it out, like blood or nail-parings, as
a suitable material basis for a covenant, since by
exchanging their saliva the covenanting parties give
each other a guarantee of good faith. If either
of them afterwards foreswears himself, the other can
punish his perfidy by a magical treatment of the purjurer’s
spittle which he has in his custody. Thus when
the Wajagga of East Africa desire to make a covenant,
the two parties will sometimes sit down with a bowl
of milk or beer between them, and after uttering an
incantation over the beverage they each take a mouthful
of the milk or beer and spit it into the other’s
mouth. In urgent cases, when there is no time
to spend on ceremony, the two will simply spit into
each other’s mouth, which seals the covenant
just as well.
10. Foods tabooed
AS MIGHT have been expected, the superstitions
of the savage cluster thick about the subject of food;
and he abstains from eating many animals and plants,
wholesome enough in themselves, which for one reason
or another he fancies would prove dangerous or fatal
to the eater. Examples of such abstinence are
too familiar and far too numerous to quote. But
if the ordinary man is thus deterred by superstitious
fear from partaking of various foods, the restraints
of this kind which are laid upon sacred or tabooed
persons, such as kings and priests, are still more
numerous and stringent. We have already seen
that the Flamen Dialis was forbidden to eat or even
name several plants and animals, and that the flesh
diet of Egyptian kings was restricted to veal and
goose. In antiquity many priests and many kings
of barbarous peoples abstained wholly from a flesh
diet. The Gangas or fetish priests of the
Loango Coast are forbidden to eat or even see a variety
of animals and fish, in consequence of which their
flesh diet is extremely limited; often they live only
on herbs and roots, though they may drink fresh blood.
The heir to the throne of Loango is forbidden from
infancy to eat pork; from early childhood he is interdicted
the use of the cola fruit in company; at puberty
he is taught by a priest not to partake of fowls except
such as he has himself killed and cooked; and so the
number of taboos goes on increasing with his years.
In Fernando Po the king after installation is forbidden
to eat cocco (arum acaule), deer, and porcupine,
which are the ordinary foods of the people. The
head chief of the Masai may eat nothing but milk,
honey, and the roasted livers of goats; for if he partook
of any other food he would lose his power of soothsaying
and of compounding charms.
11. Knots and Rings tabooed
WE have seen that among the many taboos
which the Flamen Dialis at Rome had to observe, there
was one that forbade him to have a knot on any part
of his garments, and another that obliged him to wear
no ring unless it were broken. In like manner
Moslem pilgrims to Mecca are in a state of sanctity
or taboo and may wear on their persons neither knots
nor rings. These rules are probably of kindred
significance, and may conveniently be considered together.
To begin with knots, many people in different parts
of the world entertain a strong objection to having
any knot about their person at certain critical seasons,
particularly childbirth, marriage, and death.
Thus among the Saxons of Transylvania, when a woman
is in travail all knots on her garments are untied,
because it is believed that this will facilitate her
delivery, and with the same intention all the locks
in the house, whether on doors or boxes, are unlocked.
The Lapps think that a lying-in woman should have
no knot on her garments, because a knot would have
the effect of making the delivery difficult and painful.
In the East Indies this superstition is extended to
the whole time of pregnancy; the people believe that
if a pregnant woman were to tie knots, or braid, or
make anything fast, the child would thereby be constricted
or the woman would herself be “tied up”
when her time came. Nay, some of them enforce
the observance of the rule on the father as well as
the mother of the unborn child. Among the Sea
Dyaks neither of the parents may bind up anything
with a string or make anything fast during the wife’s
pregnancy. In the Toumbuluh tribe of North Celebes
a ceremony is performed in the fourth or fifth month
of a woman’s pregnancy, and after it her husband
is forbidden, among many other things, to tie any
fast knots and to sit with his legs crossed over each
other.
In all these cases the idea seems
to be that the tying of a knot would, as they say
in the East Indies, “tie up” the woman,
in other words, impede and perhaps prevent her delivery,
or delay her convalescence after the birth. On
the principles of homoeopathic or imitative magic
the physical obstacle or impediment of a knot on a
cord would create a corresponding obstacle or impediment
in the body of the woman. That this is really
the explanation of the rule appears from a custom
observed by the Hos of West Africa at a difficult
birth. When a woman is in hard labour and cannot
bring forth, they call in a magician to her aid.
He looks at her and says, “The child is bound
in the womb, that is why she cannot be delivered.”
On the entreaties of her female relations he then
promises to loosen the bond so that she may bring forth.
For that purpose he orders them to fetch a tough creeper
from the forest, and with it he binds the hands and
feet of the sufferer on her back. Then he takes
a knife and calls out the woman’s name, and when
she answers he cuts through the creeper with a knife,
saying, “I cut through to-day thy bonds and
thy child’s bonds.” After that he
chops up the creeper small, puts the bits in a vessel
of water, and bathes the woman with the water.
Here the cutting of the creeper with which the woman’s
hands and feet are bound is a simple piece of homoeopathic
or imitative magic: by releasing her limbs from
their bonds the magician imagines that he simultaneously
releases the child in her womb from the trammels which
impede its birth. The same train of thought underlies
a practice observed by some peoples of opening all
locks, doors, and so on, while a birth is taking place
in the house. We have seen that at such a time
the Germans of Transylvania open all the locks, and
the same thing is done also in Voigtland and Mecklenburg.
In North-western Argyllshire superstitious people
used to open every lock in the house at childbirth.
In the island of Salsette near Bombay, when a woman
is in hard labour, all locks of doors or drawers are
opened with a key to facilitate her delivery.
Among the Mandelings of Sumatra the lids of all chests,
boxes, pans, and so forth are opened; and if this
does not produce the desired effect, the anxious husband
has to strike the projecting ends of some of the house-beams
in order to loosen them; for they think that “everything
must be open and loose to facilitate the delivery.”
In Chittagong, when a woman cannot bring her child
to the birth, the midwife gives orders to throw all
doors and windows wide open, to uncork all bottles,
to remove the bungs from all casks, to unloose the
cows in the stall, the horses in the stable, the watchdog
in his kennel, to set free sheep, fowls, ducks, and
so forth. This universal liberty accorded to the
animals and even to inanimate things is, according
to the people, an infallible means of ensuring the
woman’s delivery and allowing the babe to be
born. In the island of Saghalien, when a woman
is in labour, her husband undoes everything that can
be undone. He loosens the plaits of his hair
and the laces of his shoes. Then he unties whatever
is tied in the house or its vicinity. In the courtyard
he takes the axe out of the log in which it is stuck;
he unfastens the boat, if it is moored to a tree,
he withdraws the cartridges from his gun, and the
arrows from his crossbow.
Again, we have seen that a Toumbuluh
man abstains not only from tying knots, but also from
sitting with crossed legs during his wife’s
pregnancy. The train of thought is the same in
both cases. Whether you cross threads in tying
a knot, or only cross your legs in sitting at your
ease, you are equally, on the principles of homoeopathic
magic, crossing or thwarting the free course of things,
and your action cannot but check and impede whatever
may be going forward in your neighbourhood. Of
this important truth the Romans were fully aware.
To sit beside a pregnant woman or a patient under
medical treatment with clasped hands, says the grave
Pliny, is to cast a malignant spell over the person,
and it is worse still if you nurse your leg or legs
with your clasped hands, or lay one leg over the other.
Such postures were regarded by the old Romans as a
let and hindrance to business of every sort, and at
a council of war or a meeting of magistrates, at prayers
and sacrifices, no man was suffered to cross his legs
or clasp his hands. The stock instance of the
dreadful consequences that might flow from doing one
or the other was that of Alcmena, who travailed with
Hercules for seven days and seven nights, because
the goddess Lucina sat in front of the house with
clasped hands and crossed legs, and the child could
not be born until the goddess had been beguiled into
changing her attitude. It is a Bulgarian superstition
that if a pregnant woman is in the habit of sitting
with crossed legs, she will suffer much in childbed.
In some parts of Bavaria, when conversation comes to
a standstill and silence ensues, they say, “Surely
somebody has crossed his legs.”
The magical effect of knots in trammelling
and obstructing human activity was believed to be
manifested at marriage not less than at birth.
During the Middle Ages, and down to the eighteenth
century, it seems to have been commonly held in Europe
that the consummation of marriage could be prevented
by any one who, while the wedding ceremony was taking
place, either locked a lock or tied a knot in a cord,
and then threw the lock or the cord away. The
lock or the knotted cord had to be flung into water;
and until it had been found and unlocked, or untied,
no real union of the married pair was possible.
Hence it was a grave offence, not only to cast such
a spell, but also to steal or make away with the material
instrument of it, whether lock or knotted cord.
In the year 1718 the parliament of Bordeaux sentenced
some one to be burned alive for having spread desolation
through a whole family by means of knotted cords; and
in 1705 two persons were condemned to death in Scotland
for stealing certain charmed knots which a woman had
made, in order thereby to mar the wedded happiness
of Spalding of Ashintilly. The belief in the
efficacy of these charms appears to have lingered in
the Highlands of Pertshire down to the end of the
eighteenth century, for at that time it was still
customary in the beautiful parish of Logierait, between
the river Tummel and the river Tay, to unloose carefully
every knot in the clothes of the bride and bridegroom
before the celebration of the marriage ceremony.
We meet with the same superstition and the same custom
at the present day in Syria. The persons who
help a Syrian bridegroom to don his wedding garments
take care that no knot is tied on them and no button
buttoned, for they believe that a button buttoned
or a knot tied would put it within the power of his
enemies to deprive him of his nuptial rights by magical
means. The fear of such charms is diffused all
over North Africa at the present day. To render
a bridegroom impotent the enchanter has only to tie
a knot in a handkerchief which he had previously placed
quietly on some part of the bridegroom’s body
when he was mounted on horseback ready to fetch his
bride: so long as the knot in the handkerchief
remains tied, so long will the bridegroom remain powerless
to consummate the marriage.
The maleficent power of knots may
also be manifested in the infliction of sickness,
disease, and all kinds of misfortune. Thus among
the Hos of West Africa a sorcerer will sometimes curse
his enemy and tie a knot in a stalk of grass, saying,
“I have tied up So-and-so in this knot.
May all evil light upon him! When he goes into
the field, may a snake sting him! When he goes
to the chase, may a ravening beast attack him!
And when he steps into a river, may the water sweep
him away! When it rains, may the lightning strike
him! May evil nights be his!” It is believed
that in the knot the sorcerer has bound up the life
of his enemy. In the Koran there is an allusion
to the mischief of “those who puff into the knots,”
and an Arab commentator on the passage explains that
the words refer to women who practise magic by tying
knots in cords, and then blowing and spitting upon
them. He goes on to relate how, once upon a time,
a wicked Jew bewitched the prophet Mohammed himself
by tying nine knots on a string, which he then hid
in a well. So the prophet fell ill, and nobody
knows what might have happened if the archangel Gabriel
had not opportunely revealed to the holy man the place
where the knotted cord was concealed. The trusty
Ali soon fetched the baleful thing from the well;
and the prophet recited over it certain charms, which
were specially revealed to him for the purpose.
At every verse of the charms a knot untied itself,
and the prophet experienced a certain relief.
If knots are supposed to kill, they
are also supposed to cure. This follows from
the belief that to undo the knots which are causing
sickness will bring the sufferer relief. But apart
from this negative virtue of maleficent knots, there
are certain beneficent knots to which a positive power
of healing is ascribed. Pliny tells us that some
folk cured diseases of the groin by taking a thread
from a web, tying seven or nine knots on it, and then
fastening it to the patient’s groin; but to
make the cure effectual it was necessary to name some
widow as each knot was tied. O’Donovan
describes a remedy for fever employed among the Turcomans.
The enchanter takes some camel hair and spins it into
a stout thread, droning a spell the while. Next
he ties seven knots on the thread, blowing on each
knot before he pulls it tight. This knotted thread
is then worn as a bracelet on his wrist by the patient.
Every day one of the knots is untied and blown upon,
and when the seventh knot is undone the whole thread
is rolled up into a ball and thrown into a river,
bearing away (as they imagine) the fever with it.
Again knots may be used by an enchantress
to win a lover and attach him firmly to herself.
Thus the love-sick maid in Virgil seeks to draw Daphnis
to her from the city by spells and by tying three knots
on each of three strings of different colours.
So an Arab maiden, who had lost her heart to a certain
man, tried to gain his love and bind him to herself
by tying knots in his whip; but her jealous rival
undid the knots. On the same principle magic knots
may be employed to stop a runaway. In Swazieland
you may often see grass tied in knots at the side
of the footpaths. Every one of these knots tells
of a domestic tragedy. A wife has run away from
her husband, and he and his friends have gone in pursuit,
binding up the paths, as they call it, in this fashion
to prevent the fugitive from doubling back over them.
A net, from its affluence of knots, has always been
considered in Russia very efficacious against sorcerers;
hence in some places, when a bride is being dressed
in her wedding attire, a fishing-net is flung over
her to keep her out of harm’s way. For
a similar purpose the bridegroom and his companions
are often girt with pieces of net, or at least with
tight-drawn girdles, for before a wizard can begin
to injure them he must undo all the knots in the net,
or take off the girdles. But often a Russian
amulet is merely a knotted thread. A skein of
red wool wound about the arms and legs is thought
to ward off agues and fevers; and nine skeins, fastened
round a child’s neck, are deemed a preservative
against scarlatina. In the Tver Government a bag
of a special kind is tied to the neck of the cow which
walks before the rest of a herd, in order to keep
off wolves; its force binds the maw of the ravening
beast. On the same principle, a padlock is carried
thrice round a herd of horses before they go afield
in the spring, and the bearer locks and unlocks it
as he goes, saying, “I lock from my herd the
mouths of the grey wolves with this steel lock.”
Knots and locks may serve to avert
not only wizards and wolves but death itself.
When they brought a woman to the stake at St. Andrews
in 1572 to burn her alive for a witch, they found on
her a white cloth like a collar, with strings and
many knots on the strings. They took it from
her, sorely against her will, for she seemed to think
that she could not die in the fire, if only the cloth
with the knotted strings was on her. When it
was taken away, she said, “Now I have no hope
of myself.” In many parts of England it
is thought that a person cannot die so long as any
locks are locked or bolts shot in the house.
It is therefore a very common practice to undo all
locks and bolts when the sufferer is plainly near
his end, in order that his agony may not be unduly
prolonged. For example, in the year 1863, at
Taunton, a child lay sick of scarlatina and death seemed
inevitable. “A jury of matrons was, as it
were, empanelled, and to prevent the child ‘dying
hard’ all the doors in the house, all the drawers,
all the boxes, all the cupboards were thrown wide open,
the keys taken out, and the body of the child placed
under a beam, whereby a sure, certain, and easy passage
into eternity could be secured.” Strange
to say, the child declined to avail itself of the
facilities for dying so obligingly placed at its disposal
by the sagacity and experience of the British matrons
of Taunton; it preferred to live rather than give
up the ghost just then.
The rule which prescribes that at
certain magical and religious ceremonies the hair
should hang loose and the feet should be bare is probably
based on the same fear of trammelling and impeding
the action in hand, whatever it may be, by the presence
of any knot or constriction, whether on the head or
on the feet of the performer. A similar power
to bind and hamper spiritual as well as bodily activities
is ascribed by some people to rings. Thus in the
island of Carpathus people never button the clothes
they put upon a dead body and they are careful to
remove all rings from it; “for the spirit, they
say, can even be detained in the little finger, and
cannot rest.” Here it is plain that even
if the soul is not definitely supposed to issue at
death from the finger-tips, yet the ring is conceived
to exercise a certain constrictive influence which
detains and imprisons the immortal spirit in spite
of its efforts to escape from the tabernacle of clay;
in short the ring, like the knot, acts as a spiritual
fetter. This may have been the reason of an ancient
Greek maxim, attributed to Pythagoras, which forbade
people to wear rings. Nobody might enter the ancient
Arcadian sanctuary of the Mistress at Lycosura with
a ring on his or her finger. Persons who consulted
the oracle of Faunus had to be chaste, to eat no flesh,
and to wear no rings.
On the other hand, the same constriction
which hinders the egress of the soul may prevent the
entrance of evil spirits; hence we find rings used
as amulets against demons, witches, and ghosts.
In the Tyrol it is said that a woman in childbed should
never take off her wedding-ring, or spirits and witches
will have power over her. Among the Lapps, the
person who is about to place a corpse in the coffin
receives from the husband, wife, or children of the
deceased a brass ring, which he must wear fastened
to his right arm until the corpse is safely deposited
in the grave. The ring is believed to serve the
person as an amulet against any harm which the ghost
might do to him. How far the custom of wearing
finger-rings may have been influenced by, or even
have sprung from, a belief in their efficacy as amulets
to keep the soul in the body, or demons out of it,
is a question which seems worth considering.
Here we are only concerned with the belief in so far
as it seems to throw light on the rule that the Flamen
Dialis might not wear a ring unless it were broken.
Taken in conjunction with the rule which forbade him
to have a knot on his garments, it points to a fear
that the powerful spirit embodied in him might be
trammelled and hampered in its goings-out and comings-in
by such corporeal and spiritual fetters as rings and
knots.