The Golden Bough

1.  The Public Magician

THE READER may remember that we were led to plunge into the labyrinth of magic by a consideration of two different types of man-god.  This is the clue which has guided our devious steps through the maze, and brought us out at last on higher ground, whence, resting a little by the way, we can look back over the path we have already traversed and forward to the longer and steeper road we have still to climb.

As a result of the foregoing discussion, the two types of human gods may conveniently be distinguished as the religious and the magical man-god respectively.  In the former, a being of an order different from and superior to man is supposed to become incarnate, for a longer or a shorter time, in a human body, manifesting his super-human power and knowledge by miracles wrought and prophecies uttered through the medium of the fleshly tabernacle in which he has deigned to take up his abode.  This may also appropriately be called the inspired or incarnate type of man-god.  In it the human body is merely a frail earthly vessel filled with a divine and immortal spirit.  On the other hand, a man-god of the magical sort is nothing but a man who possesses in an unusually high degree powers which most of his fellows arrogate to themselves on a smaller scale; for in rude society there is hardly a person who does not dabble in magic.  Thus, whereas a man-god of the former or inspired type derives his divinity from a deity who has stooped to hide his heavenly radiance behind a dull mask of earthly mould, a man-god of the latter type draws his extraordinary power from a certain physical sympathy with nature.  He is not merely the receptacle of a divine spirit.  His whole being, body and soul, is so delicately attuned to the harmony of the world that a touch of his hand or a turn of his head may send a thrill vibrating through the universal framework of things; and conversely his divine organism is acutely sensitive to such slight changes of environment as would leave ordinary mortals wholly unaffected.  But the line between these two types of man-god, however sharply we may draw it in theory, is seldom to be traced with precision in practice, and in what follows I shall not insist on it.

We have seen that in practice the magic art may be employed for the benefit either of individuals or of the whole community, and that according as it is directed to one or other of these two objects it may be called private or public magic.  Further, I pointed out that the public magician occupies a position of great influence, from which, if he is a prudent and able man, he may advance step by step to the rank of a chief or king.  Thus an examination of public magic conduces to an understanding of the early kingship, since in savage and barbarous society many chiefs and kings appear to owe their authority in great measure to their reputation as magicians.

Among the objects of public utility which magic may be employed to secure, the most essential is an adequate supply of food.  The examples cited in preceding pages prove that the purveyors of food—­the hunter, the fisher, the farmer—­all resort to magical practices in the pursuit of their various callings; but they do so as private individuals for the benefit of themselves and their families, rather than as public functionaries acting in the interest of the whole people.  It is otherwise when the rites are performed, not by the hunters, the fishers, the farmers themselves, but by professional magicians on their behalf.  In primitive society, where uniformity of occupation is the rule, and the distribution of the community into various classes of workers has hardly begun, every man is more or less his own magician; he practises charms and incantations for his own good and the injury of his enemies.  But a great step in advance has been taken when a special class of magicians has been instituted; when, in other words, a number of men have been set apart for the express purpose of benefiting the whole community by their skill, whether that skill be directed to the healing of diseases, the forecasting of the future, the regulation of the weather, or any other object of general utility.  The impotence of the means adopted by most of these practitioners to accomplish their ends ought not to blind us to the immense importance of the institution itself.  Here is a body of men relieved, at least in the higher stages of savagery, from the need of earning their livelihood by hard manual toil, and allowed, nay, expected and encouraged, to prosecute researches into the secret ways of nature.  It was at once their duty and their interest to know more than their fellows, to acquaint themselves with everything that could aid man in his arduous struggle with nature, everything that could mitigate his sufferings and prolong his life.  The properties of drugs and minerals, the causes of rain and drought, of thunder and lightning, the changes of the seasons, the phases of the moon, the daily and yearly journeys of the sun, the motions of the stars, the mystery of life, and the mystery of death, all these things must have excited the wonder of these early philosophers, and stimulated them to find solutions of problems that were doubtless often thrust on their attention in the most practical form by the importunate demands of their clients, who expected them not merely to understand but to regulate the great processes of nature for the good of man.  That their first shots fell very far wide of the mark could hardly be helped.  The slow, the never-ending approach to truth consists in perpetually forming and testing hypotheses, accepting those which at the time seem to fit the facts and rejecting the others.  The views of natural causation embraced by the savage magician no doubt appear to us manifestly false and absurd; yet in their day they were legitimate hypotheses, though they have not stood the test of experience.  Ridicule and blame are the just meed, not of those who devised these crude theories, but of those who obstinately adhered to them after better had been propounded.  Certainly no men ever had stronger incentives in the pursuit of truth than these savage sorcerers.  To maintain at least a show of knowledge was absolutely necessary; a single mistake detected might cost them their life.  This no doubt led them to practise imposture for the purpose of concealing their ignorance; but it also supplied them with the most powerful motive for substituting a real for a sham knowledge, since, if you would appear to know anything, by far the best way is actually to know it.  Thus, however justly we may reject the extravagant pretensions of magicians and condemn the deceptions which they have practised on mankind, the original institution of this class of men has, take it all in all, been productive of incalculable good to humanity.  They were the direct predecessors, not merely of our physicians and surgeons, but of our investigators and discoverers in every branch of natural science.  They began the work which has since been carried to such glorious and beneficent issues by their successors in after ages; and if the beginning was poor and feeble, this is to be imputed to the inevitable difficulties which beset the path of knowledge rather than to the natural incapacity or wilful fraud of the men themselves.

2.  The Magical Control of Rain

OF THE THINGS which the public magician sets himself to do for the good of the tribe, one of the chief is to control the weather and especially to ensure an adequate fall of rain.  Water is an essential of life, and in most countries the supply of it depends upon showers.  Without rain vegetation withers, animals and men languish and die.  Hence in savage communities the rain-maker is a very important personage; and often a special class of magicians exists for the purpose of regulating the heavenly water-supply.  The methods by which they attempt to discharge the duties of their office are commonly, though not always, based on the principle of homoeopathic or imitative magic.  If they wish to make rain they simulate it by sprinkling water or mimicking clouds:  if their object is to stop rain and cause drought, they avoid water and resort to warmth and fire for the sake of drying up the too abundant moisture.  Such attempts are by no means confined, as the cultivated reader might imagine, to the naked inhabitants of those sultry lands like Central Australia and some parts of Eastern and Southern Africa, where often for months together the pitiless sun beats down out of a blue and cloudless sky on the parched and gaping earth.  They are, or used to be, common enough among outwardly civilised folk in the moister climate of Europe.  I will now illustrate them by instances drawn from the practice both of public and private magic.

Thus, for example, in a village near Dorpat, in Russia, when rain was much wanted, three men used to climb up the fir-trees of an old sacred grove.  One of them drummed with a hammer on a kettle or small cask to imitate thunder; the second knocked two fire-brands together and made the sparks fly, to imitate lightning; and the third, who was called “the rain-maker,” had a bunch of twigs with which he sprinkled water from a vessel on all sides.  To put an end to drought and bring down rain, women and girls of the village of Ploska are wont to go naked by night to the boundaries of the village and there pour water on the ground.  In Halmahera, or Gilolo, a large island to the west of New Guinea, a wizard makes rain by dipping a branch of a particular kind of tree in water and then scattering the moisture from the dripping bough over the ground.  In New Britain the rain-maker wraps some leaves of a red and green striped creeper in a banana-leaf, moistens the bundle with water, and buries it in the ground; then he imitates with his mouth the plashing of rain.  Amongst the Omaha Indians of North America, when the corn is withering for want of rain, the members of the sacred Buffalo Society fill a large vessel with water and dance four times round it.  One of them drinks some of the water and spirts it into the air, making a fine spray in imitation of a mist or drizzling rain.  Then he upsets the vessel, spilling the water on the ground; whereupon the dancers fall down and drink up the water, getting mud all over their faces.  Lastly, they squirt the water into the air, making a fine mist.  This saves the corn.  In spring-time the Natchez of North America used to club together to purchase favourable weather for their crops from the wizards.  If rain was needed, the wizards fasted and danced with pipes full of water in their mouths.  The pipes were perforated like the nozzle of a watering-can, and through the holes the rain-maker blew the water towards that part of the sky where the clouds hung heaviest.  But if fine weather was wanted, he mounted the roof of his hut, and with extended arms, blowing with all his might, he beckoned to the clouds to pass by.  When the rains do not come in due season the people of Central Angoniland repair to what is called the rain-temple.  Here they clear away the grass, and the leader pours beer into a pot which is buried in the ground, while he says, “Master Chauta, you have hardened your heart towards us, what would you have us do?  We must perish indeed.  Give your children the rains, there is the beer we have given you.”  Then they all partake of the beer that is left over, even the children being made to sip it.  Next they take branches of trees and dance and sing for rain.  When they return to the village they find a vessel of water set at the doorway by an old woman; so they dip their branches in it and wave them aloft, so as to scatter the drops.  After that the rain is sure to come driving up in heavy clouds.  In these practices we see a combination of religion with magic; for while the scattering of the water-drops by means of branches is a purely magical ceremony, the prayer for rain and the offering of beer are purely religious rites.  In the Mara tribe of Northern Australia the rain-maker goes to a pool and sings over it his magic song.  Then he takes some of the water in his hands, drinks it, and spits it out in various directions.  After that he throws water all over himself, scatters it about, and returns quietly to the camp.  Rain is supposed to follow.  The Arab historian Makrizi describes a method of stopping rain which is said to have been resorted to by a tribe of nomads called Alqamar in Hadramaut.  They cut a branch from a certain tree in the desert, set it on fire, and then sprinkled the burning brand with water.  After that the vehemence of the rain abated, just as the water vanished when it fell on the glowing brand.  Some of the Eastern Angamis of Manipur are said to perform a some-what similar ceremony for the opposite purpose, in order, namely, to produce rain.  The head of the village puts a burning brand on the grave of a man who has died of burns, and quenches the brand with water, while he prays that rain may fall.  Here the putting out the fire with water, which is an imitation of rain, is reinforced by the influence of the dead man, who, having been burnt to death, will naturally be anxious for the descent of rain to cool his scorched body and assuage his pangs.

Other people besides the Arabs have used fire as a means of stopping rain.  Thus the Sulka of New Britain heat stones red hot in the fire and then put them out in the rain, or they throw hot ashes in the air.  They think that the rain will soon cease to fall, for it does not like to be burned by the hot stones or ashes.  The Telugus send a little girl out naked into the rain with a burning piece of wood in her hand, which she has to show to the rain.  That is supposed to stop the downpour.  At Port Stevens in New South Wales the medicine-men used to drive away rain by throwing fire-sticks into the air, while at the same time they puffed and shouted.  Any man of the Anula tribe in Northern Australia can stop rain by simply warming a green stick in the fire, and then striking it against the wind.

In time of severe drought the Dieri of Central Australia, loudly lamenting the impoverished state of the country and their own half-starved condition, call upon the spirits of their remote predecessors, whom they call Mura-muras, to grant them power to make a heavy rain-fall.  For they believe that the clouds are bodies in which rain is generated by their own ceremonies or those of neighbouring tribes, through the influence of the Mura-muras.  The way in which they set about drawing rain from the clouds is this.  A hole is dug about twelve feet long and eight or ten broad, and over this hole a conical hut of logs and branches is made.  Two wizards, supposed to have received a special inspiration from the Mura-muras, are bled by an old and influential man with a sharp flint; and the blood, drawn from their arms below the elbow, is made to flow on the other men of the tribe, who sit huddled together in the hut.  At the same time the two bleeding men throw handfuls of down about, some of which adheres to the blood-stained bodies of their comrades, while the rest floats in the air.  The blood is thought to represent the rain, and the down the clouds.  During the ceremony two large stones are placed in the middle of the hut; they stand for gathering clouds and presage rain.  Then the wizards who were bled carry away the two stones for about ten or fifteen miles, and place them as high as they can in the tallest tree.  Meanwhile the other men gather gypsum, pound it fine, and throw it into a water-hole.  This the Mura-muras see, and at once they cause clouds to appear in the sky.  Lastly, the men, young and old, surround the hut, and, stooping down, butt at it with their heads, like so many rams.  Thus they force their way through it and reappear on the other side, repeating the process till the hut is wrecked.  In doing this they are forbidden to use their hands or arms; but when the heavy logs alone remain, they are allowed to pull them out with their hands.  “The piercing of the hut with their heads symbolises the piercing of the clouds; the fall of the hut, the fall of the rain.”  Obviously, too, the act of placing high up in trees the two stones, which stand for clouds, is a way of making the real clouds to mount up in the sky.  The Dieri also imagine that the foreskins taken from lads at circumcision have a great power of producing rain.  Hence the Great Council of the tribe always keeps a small stock of foreskins ready for use.  They are carefully concealed, being wrapt up in feathers with the fat of the wild dog and of the carpet snake.  A woman may not see such a parcel opened on any account.  When the ceremony is over, the foreskin is buried, its virtue being exhausted.  After the rains have fallen, some of the tribe always undergo a surgical operation, which consists in cutting the skin of their chest and arms with a sharp flint.  The wound is then tapped with a flat stick to increase the flow of blood, and red ochre is rubbed into it.  Raised scars are thus produced.  The reason alleged by the natives for this practice is that they are pleased with the rain, and that there is a connexion between the rain and the scars.  Apparently the operation is not very painful, for the patient laughs and jokes while it is going on.  Indeed, little children have been seen to crowd round the operator and patiently take their turn; then after being operated on, they ran away, expanding their little chests and singing for the rain to beat upon them.  However, they were not so well pleased next day, when they felt their wounds stiff and sore.  In Java, when rain is wanted, two men will sometimes thrash each other with supple rods till the blood flows down their backs; the streaming blood represents the rain, and no doubt is supposed to make it fall on the ground.  The people of Egghiou, a district of Abyssinia, used to engage in sanguinary conflicts with each other, village against village, for a week together every January for the purpose of procuring rain.  Some years ago the emperor Menelik forbade the custom.  However, the following year the rain was deficient, and the popular outcry so great that the emperor yielded to it, and allowed the murderous fights to be resumed, but for two days a year only.  The writer who mentions the custom regards the blood shed on these occasions as a propitiatory sacrifice offered to spirits who control the showers; but perhaps, as in the Australian and Javanese ceremonies, it is an imitation of rain.  The prophets of Baal, who sought to procure rain by cutting themselves with knives till the blood gushed out, may have acted on the same principle.

There is a widespread belief that twin children possess magical powers over nature, especially over rain and the weather.  This curious superstition prevails among some of the Indian tribes of British Columbia, and has led them often to impose certain singular restrictions or taboos on the parents of twins, though the exact meaning of these restrictions is generally obscure.  Thus the Tsimshian Indians of British Columbia believe that twins control the weather; therefore they pray to wind and rain, “Calm down, breath of the twins.”  Further, they think that the wishes of twins are always fulfilled; hence twins are feared, because they can harm the man they hate.  They can also call the salmon and the olachen or candle-fish, and so they are known by a name which means “making plentiful.”  In the opinion of the Kwakiutl Indians of British Columbia twins are transformed salmon; hence they may not go near water, lest they should be changed back again into the fish.  In their childhood they can summon any wind by motions of their hands, and they can make fair or foul weather, and also cure diseases by swinging a large wooden rattle.  The Nootka Indians of British Columbia also believe that twins are somehow related to salmon.  Hence among them twins may not catch salmon, and they may not eat or even handle the fresh fish.  They can make fair or foul weather, and can cause rain to fall by painting their faces black and then washing them, which may represent the rain dripping from the dark clouds.  The Shuswap Indians, like the Thompson Indians, associate twins with the grizzly bear, for they call them “young grizzly bears.”  According to them, twins remain throughout life endowed with supernatural powers.  In particular they can make good or bad weather.  They produce rain by spilling water from a basket in the air; they make fine weather by shaking a small flat piece of wood attached to a stick by a string; they raise storms by strewing down on the ends of spruce branches.

The same power of influencing the weather is attributed to twins by the Baronga, a tribe of Bantu negroes who, inhabit the shores of Delagoa Bay in South-eastern Africa.  They bestow the name of Tilo—­that is, the sky—­on a woman who has given birth to twins, and the infants themselves are called the children of the sky.  Now when the storms which generally burst in the months of September and October have been looked for in vain, when a drought with its prospect of famine is threatening, and all nature, scorched and burnt up by a sun that has shone for six months from a cloudless sky, is panting for the beneficent showers of the South African spring, the women perform ceremonies to bring down the longed-for rain on the parched earth.  Stripping themselves of all their garments, they assume in their stead girdles and head-dresses of grass, or short petticoats made of the leaves of a particular sort of creeper.  Thus attired, uttering peculiar cries and singing ribald songs, they go about from well to well, cleansing them of the mud and impurities which have accumulated in them.  The wells, it may be said, are merely holes in the sand where a little turbid unwholesome water stagnates.  Further, the women must repair to the house of one of their gossips who has given birth to twins, and must drench her with water, which they carry in little pitchers.  Having done so they go on their way, shrieking out their loose songs and dancing immodest dances.  No man may see these leaf-clad women going their rounds.  If they meet a man, they maul him and thrust him aside.  When they have cleansed the wells, they must go and pour water on the graves of their ancestors in the sacred grove.  It often happens, too, that at the bidding of the wizard they go and pour water on the graves of twins.  For they think that the grave of a twin ought always to be moist, for which reason twins are regularly buried near a lake.  If all their efforts to procure rain prove abortive, they will remember that such and such a twin was buried in a dry place on the side of a hill.  “No wonder,” says the wizard in such a case, “that the sky is fiery.  Take up his body and dig him a grave on the shore of the lake.”  His orders are at once obeyed, for this is supposed to be the only means of bringing down the rain.

Some of the foregoing facts strongly support an interpretation which Professor Oldenberg has given of the rules to be observed by a Brahman who would learn a particular hymn of the ancient Indian collection known as the Samaveda.  The hymn, which bears the name of the Sakvari¯ song, was believed to embody the might of Indra’s weapon, the thunderbolt; and hence, on account of the dreadful and dangerous potency with which it was thus charged, the bold student who essayed to master it had to be isolated from his fellow-men, and to retire from the village into the forest.  Here for a space of time, which might vary, according to different doctors of the law, from one to twelve years, he had to observe certain rules of life, among which were the following.  Thrice a day he had to touch water; he must wear black garments and eat black food; when it rained, he might not seek the shelter of a roof, but had to sit in the rain and say, “Water is the Sakvari¯ song”; when the lightning flashed, he said, “That is like the Sakvari¯ song”; when the thunder pealed, he said, “The Great One is making a great noise.”  He might never cross a running stream without touching water; he might never set foot on a ship unless his life were in danger, and even then he must be sure to touch water when he went on board; “for in water,” so ran the saying, “lies the virtue of the Sakvari¯ song.”  When at last he was allowed to learn the song itself, he had to dip his hands in a vessel of water in which plants of all sorts had been placed.  If a man walked in the way of all these precepts, the rain-god Parjanya, it was said, would send rain at the wish of that man.  It is clear, as Professor Oldenberg well points out, that “all these rules are intended to bring the Brahman into union with water, to make him, as it were, an ally of the water powers, and to guard him against their hostility.  The black garments and the black food have the same significance; no one will doubt that they refer to the rain-clouds when he remembers that a black victim is sacrificed to procure rain; ‘it is black, for such is the nature of rain.’  In respect of another rain-charm it is said plainly, ’He puts on a black garment edged with black, for such is the nature of rain.’  We may therefore assume that here in the circle of ideas and ordinances of the Vedic schools there have been preserved magical practices of the most remote antiquity, which were intended to prepare the rain-maker for his office and dedicate him to it.”

It is interesting to observe that where an opposite result is desired, primitive logic enjoins the weather-doctor to observe precisely opposite rules of conduct.  In the tropical island of Java, where the rich vegetation attests the abundance of the rainfall, ceremonies for the making of rain are rare, but ceremonies for the prevention of it are not uncommon.  When a man is about to give a great feast in the rainy season and has invited many people, he goes to a weather-doctor and asks him to “prop up the clouds that may be lowering.”  If the doctor consents to exert his professional powers, he begins to regulate his behaviour by certain rules as soon as his customer has departed.  He must observe a fast, and may neither drink nor bathe; what little he eats must be eaten dry, and in no case may he touch water.  The host, on his side, and his servants, both male and female, must neither wash clothes nor bathe so long as the feast lasts, and they have all during its continuance to observe strict chastity.  The doctor seats himself on a new mat in his bedroom, and before a small oil-lamp he murmurs, shortly before the feast takes place, the following prayer or incantation:  “Grandfather and Grandmother Sroekoel” (the name seems to be taken at random; others are sometimes used), “return to your country.  Akkemat is your country.  Put down your water-cask, close it properly, that not a drop may fall out.”  While he utters this prayer the sorcerer looks upwards, burning incense the while.  So among the Toradjas the rain-doctor, whose special business it is to drive away rain, takes care not to touch water before, during, or after the discharge of his professional duties.  He does not bathe, he eats with unwashed hands, he drinks nothing but palm wine, and if he has to cross a stream he is careful not to step in the water.  Having thus prepared himself for his task he has a small hut built for himself outside of the village in a rice-field, and in this hut he keeps up a little fire, which on no account may be suffered to go out.  In the fire he burns various kinds of wood, which are supposed to possess the property of driving off rain; and he puffs in the direction from which the rain threatens to come, holding in his hand a packet of leaves and bark which derive a similar cloud-compelling virtue, not from their chemical composition, but from their names, which happen to signify something dry or volatile.  If clouds should appear in the sky while he is at work, he takes lime in the hollow of his hand and blows it towards them.  The lime, being so very dry, is obviously well adapted to disperse the damp clouds.  Should rain afterwards be wanted, he has only to pour water on his fire, and immediately the rain will descend in sheets.

The reader will observe how exactly the Javanese and Toradja observances, which are intended to prevent rain, form the antithesis of the Indian observances, which aim at producing it.  The Indian sage is commanded to touch water thrice a day regularly as well as on various special occasions; the Javanese and Toradja wizards may not touch it at all.  The Indian lives out in the forest, and even when it rains he may not take shelter; the Javanese and the Toradja sit in a house or a hut.  The one signifies his sympathy with water by receiving the rain on his person and speaking of it respectfully; the others light a lamp or a fire and do their best to drive the rain away.  Yet the principle on which all three act is the same; each of them, by a sort of childish make-believe, identifies himself with the phenomenon which he desires to produce.  It is the old fallacy that the effect resembles its cause:  if you would make wet weather, you must be wet; if you would make dry weather, you must be dry.

In South-eastern Europe at the present day ceremonies are observed for the purpose of making rain which not only rest on the same general train of thought as the preceding, but even in their details resemble the ceremonies practised with the same intention by the Baronga of Delagoa Bay.  Among the Greeks of Thessaly and Macedonia, when a drought has lasted a long time, it is customary to send a procession of children round to all the wells and springs of the neighbourhood.  At the head of the procession walks a girl adorned with flowers, whom her companions drench with water at every halting-place, while they sing an invocation, of which the following is part: 

   “Perperia all fresh bedewed,
    Freshen all the neighbourhood;
    By the woods, on the highway,
    As thou goest, to God now pray: 
    O my God, upon the plain,
    Send thou us a still, small rain;
    That the fields may fruitful be,
    And vines in blossom we may see;
    That the grain be full and sound,
    And wealthy grow the folks around.”

In time of drought the Serbians strip a girl to her skin and clothe her from head to foot in grass, herbs, and flowers, even her face being hidden behind a veil of living green.  Thus disguised she is called the Dodola, and goes through the village with a troop of girls.  They stop before every house; the Dodola keeps turning herself round and dancing, while the other girls form a ring about her singing one of the Dodola songs, and the housewife pours a pail of water over her.  One of the songs they sing runs thus: 

   “We go through the village;
    The clouds go in the sky;
    We go faster,
    Faster go the clouds;
    They have overtaken us,
    And wetted the corn and the vine.”

At Poona in India, when rain is needed, the boys dress up one of their number in nothing but leaves and call him King of Rain.  Then they go round to every house in the village, where the house-holder or his wife sprinkles the Rain King with water, and gives the party food of various kinds.  When they have thus visited all the houses, they strip the Rain King of his leafy robes and feast upon what they have gathered.

Bathing is practised as a rain-charm in some parts of Southern and Western Russia.  Sometimes after service in church the priest in his robes has been thrown down on the ground and drenched with water by his parishioners.  Sometimes it is the women who, without stripping off their clothes, bathe in crowds on the day of St. John the Baptist, while they dip in the water a figure made of branches, grass, and herbs, which is supposed to represent the saint.  In Kursk, a province of Southern Russia, when rain is much wanted, the women seize a passing stranger and throw him into the river, or souse him from head to foot.  Later on we shall see that a passing stranger is often taken for a deity or the personification of some natural power.  It is recorded in official documents that during a drought in 1790 the peasants of Scheroutz and Werboutz collected all the women and compelled them to bathe, in order that rain might fall.  An Armenian rain-charm is to throw the wife of a priest into the water and drench her.  The Arabs of North Africa fling a holy man, willy-nilly, into a spring as a remedy for drought.  In Minahassa, a province of North Celebes, the priest bathes as a rain-charm.  In Central Celebes when there has been no rain for a long time and the rice-stalks begin to shrivel up, many of the villagers, especially the young folk, go to a neighbouring brook and splash each other with water, shouting noisily, or squirt water on one another through bamboo tubes.  Sometimes they imitate the plump of rain by smacking the surface of the water with their hands, or by placing an inverted gourd on it and drumming on the gourd with their fingers.

Women are sometimes supposed to be able to make rain by ploughing, or pretending to plough.  Thus the Pshaws and Chewsurs of the Caucasus have a ceremony called “ploughing the rain,” which they observe in time of drought.  Girls yoke themselves to a plough and drag it into a river, wading in the water up to their girdles.  In the same circumstances Armenian girls and women do the same.  The oldest woman, or the priest’s wife, wears the priest’s dress, while the others, dressed as men, drag the plough through the water against the stream.  In the Caucasian province of Georgia, when a drought has lasted long, marriageable girls are yoked in couples with an ox-yoke on their shoulders, a priest holds the reins, and thus harnessed they wade through rivers, puddles, and marshes, praying, screaming, weeping, and laughing.  In a district of Transylvania when the ground is parched with drought, some girls strip themselves naked, and, led by an older woman, who is also naked, they steal a harrow and carry it across the fields to a brook, where they set it afloat.  Next they sit on the harrow and keep a tiny flame burning on each corner of it for an hour.  Then they leave the harrow in the water and go home.  A similar rain-charm is resorted to in some parts of India; naked women drag a plough across a field by night, while the men keep carefully out of the way, for their presence would break the spell.

Sometimes the rain-charm operates through the dead.  Thus in New Caledonia the rain-makers blackened themselves all over, dug up a dead body, took the bones to a cave, jointed them, and hung the skeleton over some taro leaves.  Water was poured over the skeleton to run down on the leaves.  They believed that the soul of the deceased took up the water, converted it into rain, and showered it down again.  In Russia, if common report may be believed, it is not long since the peasants of any district that chanced to be afflicted with drought used to dig up the corpse of some one who had drunk himself to death and sink it in the nearest swamp or lake, fully persuaded that this would ensure the fall of the needed rain.  In 1868 the prospect of a bad harvest, caused by a prolonged drought, induced the inhabitants of a village in the Tarashchansk district to dig up the body of a Raskolnik, or Dissenter, who had died in the preceding December.  Some of the party beat the corpse, or what was left of it, about the head, exclaiming, “Give us rain!” while others poured water on it through a sieve.  Here the pouring of water through a sieve seems plainly an imitation of a shower, and reminds us of the manner in which Strepsiades in Aristophanes imagined that rain was made by Zeus.  Sometimes, in order to procure rain, the Toradjas make an appeal to the pity of the dead.  Thus, in the village of Kalingooa, there is the grave of a famous chief, the grandfather of the present ruler.  When the land suffers from unseasonable drought, the people go to this grave, pour water on it, and say, “O grandfather, have pity on us; if it is your will that this year we should eat, then give rain.”  After that they hang a bamboo full of water over the grave; there is a small hole in the lower end of the bamboo, so that the water drips from it continually.  The bamboo is always refilled with water until rain drenches the ground.  Here, as in New Caledonia, we find religion blent with magic, for the prayer to the dead chief, which is purely religious, is eked out with a magical imitation of rain at his grave.  We have seen that the Baronga of Delagoa Bay drench the tombs of their ancestors, especially the tombs of twins, as a raincharm.  Among some of the Indian tribes in the region of the Orinoco it was customary for the relations of a deceased person to disinter his bones a year after burial, burn them, and scatter the ashes to the winds, because they believed that the ashes were changed into rain, which the dead man sent in return for his obsequies.  The Chinese are convinced that when human bodies remain unburied, the souls of their late owners feel the discomfort of rain, just as living men would do if they were exposed without shelter to the inclemency of the weather.  These wretched souls, therefore, do all in their power to prevent the rain from falling, and often their efforts are only too successful.  Then drought ensues, the most dreaded of all calamities in China, because bad harvests, dearth, and famine follow in its train.  Hence it has been a common practice of the Chinese authorities in time of drought to inter the dry bones of the unburied dead for the purpose of putting an end to the scourge and conjuring down the rain.

Animals, again, often play an important part in these weather-charms.  The Anula tribe of Northern Australia associate the dollar-bird with rain, and call it the rain-bird.  A man who has the bird for his totem can make rain at a certain pool.  He catches a snake, puts it alive into the pool, and after holding it under water for a time takes it out, kills it, and lays it down by the side of the creek.  Then he makes an arched bundle of grass stalks in imitation of a rainbow, and sets it up over the snake.  After that all he does is to sing over the snake and the mimic rainbow; sooner or later the rain will fall.  They explain this procedure by saying that long ago the dollar-bird had as a mate at this spot a snake, who lived in the pool and used to make rain by spitting up into the sky till a rainbow and clouds appeared and rain fell.  A common way of making rain in many parts of Java is to bathe a cat or two cats, a male and a female; sometimes the animals are carried in procession with music.  Even in Batavia you may from time to time see children going about with a cat for this purpose; when they have ducked it in a pool, they let it go.

Among the Wambugwe of East Africa, when the sorcerer desires to make rain, he takes a black sheep and a black calf in bright sunshine, and has them placed on the roof of the common hut in which the people live together.  Then he slits the stomachs of the animals and scatters their contents in all directions.  After that he pours water and medicine into a vessel; if the charm has succeeded, the water boils up and rain follows.  On the other hand, if the sorcerer wishes to prevent rain from falling, he withdraws into the interior of the hut, and there heats a rock-crystal in a calabash.  In order to procure rain the Wagogo sacrifice black fowls, black sheep, and black cattle at the graves of dead ancestors, and the rain-maker wears black clothes during the rainy season.  Among the Matabele the rain-charm employed by sorcerers was made from the blood and gall of a black ox.  In a district of Sumatra, in order to procure rain, all the women of the village, scantily clad, go to the river, wade into it, and splash each other with the water.  A black cat is thrown into the stream and made to swim about for a while, then allowed to escape to the bank, pursued by the splashing of the women.  The Garos of Assam offer a black goat on the top of a very high mountain in time of drought.  In all these cases the colour of the animal is part of the charm; being black, it will darken the sky with rain-clouds.  So the Bechuanas burn the stomach of an ox at evening, because they say, “The black smoke will gather the clouds and cause the rain to come.”  The Timorese sacrifice a black pig to the Earth-goddess for rain, a white or red one to the Sun-god for sunshine.  The Angoni sacrifice a black ox for rain and a white one for fine weather.  Among the high mountains of Japan there is a district in which, if rain has not fallen for a long time, a party of villagers goes in procession to the bed of a mountain torrent, headed by a priest, who leads a black dog.  At the chosen spot they tether the beast to a stone, and make it a target for their bullets and arrows.  When its life-blood bespatters the rocks, the peasants throw down their weapons and lift up their voices in supplication to the dragon divinity of the stream, exhorting him to send down forthwith a shower to cleanse the spot from its defilement.  Custom has prescribed that on these occasions the colour of the victim shall be black, as an emblem of the wished-for rain-clouds.  But if fine weather is wanted, the victim must be white, without a spot.

The intimate association of frogs and toads with water has earned for these creatures a widespread reputation as custodians of rain; and hence they often play a part in charms designed to draw needed showers from the sky.  Some of the Indians of the Orinoco held the toad to be the god or lord of the waters, and for that reason feared to kill the creature.  They have been known to keep frogs under a pot and to beat them with rods when there was a drought.  It is said that the Aymara Indians often make little images of frogs and other aquatic animals and place them on the tops of the hills as a means of bringing down rain.  The Thompson Indians of British Columbia and some people in Europe think that to kill a frog will cause rain to fall.  In order to procure rain people of low caste in the Central Provinces of India will tie a frog to a rod covered with green leaves and branches of the nîm tree (Azadirachta Indica) and carry it from door to door singing: 

    “Send soon, O frog, the jewel of water! 
     And ripen the wheat and millet in the field.”

The Kapus or Reddis are a large caste of cultivators and landowners in the Madras Presidency.  When rain fails, women of the caste will catch a frog and tie it alive to a new winnowing fan made of bamboo.  On this fan they spread a few margosa leaves and go from door to door singing, “Lady frog must have her bath.  Oh! rain-god, give a little water for her at least.”  While the Kapu women sing this song, the woman of the house pours water over the frog and gives an alms, convinced that by so doing she will soon bring rain down in torrents.

Sometimes, when a drought has lasted a long time, people drop the usual hocus-pocus of imitative magic altogether, and being far too angry to waste their breath in prayer they seek by threats and curses or even downright physical force to extort the waters of heaven from the supernatural being who has, so to say, cut them off at the main.  In a Japanese village, when the guardian divinity had long been deaf to the peasants’ prayers for rain, they at last threw down his image and, with curses loud and long, hurled it head foremost into a stinking rice-field.  “There,” they said, “you may stay yourself for a while, to see how you will feel after a few days’ scorching in this broiling sun that is burning the life from our cracking fields.”  In the like circumstances the Feloupes of Senegambia cast down their fetishes and drag them about the fields, cursing them till rain falls.

The Chinese are adepts in the art of taking the kingdom of heaven by storm.  Thus, when rain is wanted they make a huge dragon of paper or wood to represent the rain-god, and carry it about in procession; but if no rain follows, the mock-dragon is execrated and torn to pieces.  At other times they threaten and beat the god if he does not give rain; sometimes they publicly depose him from the rank of deity.  On the other hand, if the wished-for rain falls, the god is promoted to a higher rank by an imperial decree.  In April 1888 the mandarins of Canton prayed to the god Lung-wong to stop the incessant downpour of rain; and when he turned a deaf ear to their petitions they put him in a lock-up for five days.  This had a salutary effect.  The rain ceased and the god was restored to liberty.  Some years before, in time of drought, the same deity had been chained and exposed to the sun for days in the courtyard of his temple in order that he might feel for himself the urgent need of rain.  So when the Siamese need rain, they set out their idols in the blazing sun; but if they want dry weather, they unroof the temples and let the rain pour down on the idols.  They think that the inconvenience to which the gods are thus subjected will induce them to grant the wishes of their worshippers.

The reader may smile at the meteorology of the Far East; but precisely similar modes of procuring rain have been resorted to in Christian Europe within our own lifetime.  By the end of April 1893 there was great distress in Sicily for lack of water.  The drought had lasted six months.  Every day the sun rose and set in a sky of cloudless blue.  The gardens of the Conca d’Oro, which surround Palermo with a magnificent belt of verdure, were withering.  Food was becoming scarce.  The people were in great alarm.  All the most approved methods of procuring rain had been tried without effect.  Processions had traversed the streets and the fields.  Men, women, and children, telling their beads, had lain whole nights before the holy images.  Consecrated candles had burned day and night in the churches.  Palm branches, blessed on Palm Sunday, had been hung on the trees.  At Solaparuta, in accordance with a very old custom, the dust swept from the churches on Palm Sunday had been spread on the fields.  In ordinary years these holy sweepings preserve the crops; but that year, if you will believe me, they had no effect whatever.  At Nicosia the inhabitants, bare-headed and bare-foot, carried the crucifixes through all the wards of the town and scourged each other with iron whips.  It was all in vain.  Even the great St. Francis of Paolo himself, who annually performs the miracle of rain and is carried every spring through the market-gardens, either could not or would not help.  Masses, vespers, concerts, illuminations, fire-works—­nothing could move him.  At last the peasants began to lose patience.  Most of the saints were banished.  At Palermo they dumped St. Joseph in a garden to see the state of things for himself, and they swore to leave him there in the sun till rain fell.  Other saints were turned, like naughty children, with their faces to the wall.  Others again, stripped of their beautiful robes, were exiled far from their parishes, threatened, grossly insulted, ducked in horse-ponds.  At Caltanisetta the golden wings of St. Michael the Archangel were torn from his shoulders and replaced with wings of pasteboard; his purple mantle was taken away and a clout wrapt about him instead.  At Licata the patron saint, St. Angelo, fared even worse, for he was left without any garments at all; he was reviled, he was put in irons, he was threatened with drowning or hanging.  “Rain or the rope!” roared the angry people at him, as they shook their fists in his face.

Sometimes an appeal is made to the pity of the gods.  When their corn is being burnt up by the sun, the Zulus look out for a “heaven bird,” kill it, and throw it into a pool.  Then the heaven melts with tenderness for the death of the bird; “it wails for it by raining, wailing a funeral wail.”  In Zululand women sometimes bury their children up to the neck in the ground, and then retiring to a distance keep up a dismal howl for a long time.  The sky is supposed to melt with pity at the sight.  Then the women dig the children out and feel sure that rain will soon follow.  They say that they call to “the lord above” and ask him to send rain.  If it comes they declare that “Usondo rains.”  In times of drought the Guanches of Teneriffe led their sheep to sacred ground, and there they separated the lambs from their dams, that their plaintive bleating might touch the heart of the god.  In Kumaon a way of stopping rain is to pour hot oil in the left ear of a dog.  The animal howls with pain, his howls are heard by Indra, and out of pity for the beast’s sufferings the god stops the rain.  Sometimes the Toradjas attempt to procure rain as follows.  They place the stalks of certain plants in water, saying, “Go and ask for rain, and so long as no rain falls I will not plant you again, but there shall you die.”  Also they string some fresh-water snails on a cord, and hang the cord on a tree, and say to the snails, “Go and ask for rain, and so long as no rain comes, I will not take you back to the water.”  Then the snails go and weep, and the gods take pity and send rain.  However, the foregoing ceremonies are religious rather than magical, since they involve an appeal to the compassion of higher powers.

Stones are often supposed to possess the property of bringing on rain, provided they be dipped in water or sprinkled with it, or treated in some other appropriate manner.  In a Samoan village a certain stone was carefully housed as the representative of the rain-making god, and in time of drought his priests carried the stone in procession and dipped it in a stream.  Among the Ta-ta-thi tribe of New South Wales, the rain-maker breaks off a piece of quartz-crystal and spits it towards the sky; the rest of the crystal he wraps in emu feathers, soaks both crystal and feathers in water, and carefully hides them.  In the Keramin tribe of New South Wales the wizard retires to the bed of a creek, drops water on a round flat stone, then covers up and conceals it.  Among some tribes of North-western Australia the rain-maker repairs to a piece of ground which is set apart for the purpose of rain-making.  There he builds a heap of stones or sand, places on the top of it his magic stone, and walks or dances round the pile chanting his incantations for hours, till sheer exhaustion obliges him to desist, when his place is taken by his assistant.  Water is sprinkled on the stone and huge fires are kindled.  No layman may approach the sacred spot while the mystic ceremony is being performed.  When the Sulka of New Britain wish to procure rain they blacken stones with the ashes of certain fruits and set them out, along with certain other plants and buds, in the sun.  Then a handful of twigs is dipped in water and weighted with stones, while a spell is chanted.  After that rain should follow.  In Manipur, on a lofty hill to the east of the capital, there is a stone which the popular imagination likens to an umbrella.  When rain is wanted, the rajah fetches water from a spring below and sprinkles it on the stone.  At Sagami in Japan there is a stone which draws down rain whenever water is poured on it.  When the Wakondyo, a tribe of Central Africa, desire rain, they send to the Wawamba, who dwell at the foot of snowy mountains, and are the happy possessors of a “rain-stone.”  In consideration of a proper payment, the Wawamba wash the precious stone, anoint it with oil, and put it in a pot full of water.  After that the rain cannot fail to come.  In the arid wastes of Arizona and New Mexico the Apaches sought to make rain by carrying water from a certain spring and throwing it on a particular point high up on a rock; after that they imagined that the clouds would soon gather, and that rain would begin to fall.

But customs of this sort are not confined to the wilds of Africa and Asia or the torrid deserts of Australia and the New World.  They have been practised in the cool air and under the grey skies of Europe.  There is a fountain called Barenton, of romantic fame, in those “wild woods of Broceliande,” where, if legend be true, the wizard Merlin still sleeps his magic slumber in the hawthorn shade.  Thither the Breton peasants used to resort when they needed rain.  They caught some of the water in a tankard and threw it on a slab near the spring.  On Snowdon there is a lonely tarn called Dulyn, or the Black Lake, lying “in a dismal dingle surrounded by high and dangerous rocks.”  A row of stepping-stones runs out into the lake, and if any one steps on the stones and throws water so as to wet the farthest stone, which is called the Red Altar, “it is but a chance that you do not get rain before night, even when it is hot weather.”  In these cases it appears probable that, as in Samoa, the stone is regarded as more or less divine.  This appears from the custom sometimes observed of dipping a cross in the Fountain of Barenton to procure rain, for this is plainly a Christian substitute for the old pagan way of throwing water on the stone.  At various places in France it is, or used till lately to be, the practice to dip the image of a saint in water as a means of procuring rain.  Thus, beside the old priory of Commagny, there is a spring of St. Gervais, whither the inhabitants go in procession to obtain rain or fine weather according to the needs of the crops.  In times of great drought they throw into the basin of the fountain an ancient stone image of the saint that stands in a sort of niche from which the fountain flows.  At Collobrières and Carpentras a similar practice was observed with the images of St. Pons and St. Gens respectively.  In several villages of Navarre prayers for rain used to be offered to St. Peter, and by way of enforcing them the villagers carried the image of the saint in procession to the river, where they thrice invited him to reconsider his resolution and to grant their prayers; then, if he was still obstinate, they plunged him in the water, despite the remonstrances of the clergy, who pleaded with as much truth as piety that a simple caution or admonition administered to the image would produce an equally good effect.  After this the rain was sure to fall within twenty-four hours.  Catholic countries do not enjoy a monopoly of making rain by ducking holy images in water.  In Mingrelia, when the crops are suffering from want of rain, they take a particularly holy image and dip it in water every day till a shower falls; and in the Far East the Shans drench the images of Buddha with water when the rice is perishing of drought.  In all such cases the practice is probably at bottom a sympathetic charm, however it may be disguised under the appearance of a punishment or a threat.

Like other peoples, the Greeks and Romans sought to obtain rain by magic, when prayers and processions had proved ineffectual.  For example, in Arcadia, when the corn and trees were parched with drought, the priest of Zeus dipped an oak branch into a certain spring on Mount Lycaeus.  Thus troubled, the water sent up a misty cloud, from which rain soon fell upon the land.  A similar mode of making rain is still practised, as we have seen, in Halmahera near New Guinea.  The people of Crannon in Thessaly had a bronze chariot which they kept in a temple.  When they desired a shower they shook the chariot and the shower fell.  Probably the rattling of the chariot was meant to imitate thunder; we have already seen that mock thunder and lightning form part of a rain-charm in Russia and Japan.  The legendary Salmoneus, King of Elis, made mock thunder by dragging bronze kettles behind his chariot, or by driving over a bronze bridge, while he hurled blazing torches in imitation of lightning.  It was his impious wish to mimic the thundering car of Zeus as it rolled across the vault of heaven.  Indeed he declared that he was actually Zeus, and caused sacrifices to be offered to himself as such.  Near a temple of Mars, outside the walls of Rome, there was kept a certain stone known as the lapis manalis. In time of drought the stone was dragged into Rome, and this was supposed to bring down rain immediately.

3.  The Magical Control of the Sun

AS THE MAGICIAN thinks he can make rain, so he fancies he can cause the sun to shine, and can hasten or stay its going down.  At an eclipse the Ojebways used to imagine that the sun was being extinguished.  So they shot fire-tipped arrows in the air, hoping thus to rekindle his expiring light.  The Sencis of Peru also shot burning arrows at the sun during an eclipse, but apparently they did this not so much to relight his lamp as to drive away a savage beast with which they supposed him to be struggling.  Conversely during an eclipse of the moon some tribes of the Orinoco used to bury lighted brands in the ground; because, said they, if the moon were to be extinguished, all fire on earth would be extinguished with her, except such as was hidden from her sight.  During an eclipse of the sun the Kamtchatkans were wont to bring out fire from their huts and pray the great luminary to shine as before.  But the prayer addressed to the sun shows that this ceremony was religious rather than magical.  Purely magical, on the other hand, was the ceremony observed on similar occasions by the Chilcotin Indians.  Men and women tucked up their robes, as they do in travelling, and then leaning on staves, as if they were heavy laden, they continued to walk in a circle till the eclipse was over.  Apparently they thought thus to support the failing steps of the sun as he trod his weary round in the sky.  Similarly in ancient Egypt the king, as the representative of the sun, walked solemnly round the walls of a temple in order to ensure that the sun should perform his daily journey round the sky without the interruption of an eclipse or other mishap.  And after the autumnal equinox the ancient Egyptians held a festival called “the nativity of the sun’s walking-stick,” because, as the luminary declined daily in the sky, and his light and heat diminished, he was supposed to need a staff on which to lean.  In New Caledonia when a wizard desires to make sunshine, he takes some plants and corals to the burial-ground, and fashions them into a bundle, adding two locks of hair cut from a living child of his family, also two teeth or an entire jawbone from the skeleton of an ancestor.  He then climbs a mountain whose top catches the first rays of the morning sun.  Here he deposits three sorts of plants on a flat stone, places a branch of dry coral beside them, and hangs the bundle of charms over the stone.  Next morning he returns to the spot and sets fire to the bundle at the moment when the sun rises from the sea.  As the smoke curls up, he rubs the stone with the dry coral, invokes his ancestors and says:  “Sun!  I do this that you may be burning hot, and eat up all the clouds in the sky.”  The same ceremony is repeated at sunset.  The New Caledonians also make a drought by means of a disc-shaped stone with a hole in it.  At the moment when the sun rises, the wizard holds the stone in his hand and passes a burning brand repeatedly into the hole, while he says:  “I kindle the sun, in order that he may eat up the clouds and dry up our land, so that it may produce nothing.”  The Banks Islanders make sunshine by means of a mock sun.  They take a very round stone, called a vat loa or sunstone, wind red braid about it, and stick it with owls’ feathers to represent rays, singing the proper spell in a low voice.  Then they hang it on some high tree, such as a banyan or a casuarina, in a sacred place.

The offering made by the Brahman in the morning is supposed to produce the sun, and we are told that “assuredly it would not rise, were he not to make that offering.”  The ancient Mexicans conceived the sun as the source of all vital force; hence they named him Ipalnemohuani, “He by whom men live.”  But if he bestowed life on the world, he needed also to receive life from it.  And as the heart is the seat and symbol of life, bleeding hearts of men and animals were presented to the sun to maintain him in vigour and enable him to run his course across the sky.  Thus the Mexican sacrifices to the sun were magical rather than religious, being designed, not so much to please and propitiate him, as physically to renew his energies of heat, light, and motion.  The constant demand for human victims to feed the solar fire was met by waging war every year on the neighbouring tribes and bringing back troops of captives to be sacrificed on the altar.  Thus the ceaseless wars of the Mexicans and their cruel system of human sacrifices, the most monstrous on record, sprang in great measure from a mistaken theory of the solar system.  No more striking illustration could be given of the disastrous consequences that may flow in practice from a purely speculative error.  The ancient Greeks believed that the sun drove in a chariot across the sky; hence the Rhodians, who worshipped the sun as their chief deity, annually dedicated a chariot and four horses to him, and flung them into the sea for his use.  Doubtless they thought that after a year’s work his old horses and chariot would be worn out.  From a like motive, probably, the idolatrous kings of Judah dedicated chariots and horses to the sun, and the Spartans, Persians, and Massagetae sacrificed horses to him.  The Spartans performed the sacrifice on the top of Mount Taygetus, the beautiful range behind which they saw the great luminary set every night.  It was as natural for the inhabitants of the valley of Sparta to do this as it was for the islanders of Rhodes to throw the chariot and horses into the sea, into which the sun seemed to them to sink at evening.  For thus, whether on the mountain or in the sea, the fresh horses stood ready for the weary god where they would be most welcome, at the end of his day’s journey.

As some people think they can light up the sun or speed him on his way, so others fancy they can retard or stop him.  In a pass of the Peruvian Andes stand two ruined towers on opposite hills.  Iron hooks are clamped into their walls for the purpose of stretching a net from one tower to the other.  The net is intended to catch the sun.  Stories of men who have caught the sun in a noose are widely spread.  When the sun is going southward in the autumn, and sinking lower and lower in the Arctic sky, the Esquimaux of Iglulik play the game of cat’s cradle in order to catch him in the meshes of the string and so prevent his disappearance.  On the contrary, when the sun is moving northward in the spring, they play the game of cup-and-ball to hasten his return.  When an Australian blackfellow wishes to stay the sun from going down till he gets home, he puts a sod in the fork of a tree, exactly facing the setting sun.  On the other hand, to make it go down faster, the Australians throw sand into the air and blow with their mouths towards the sun, perhaps to waft the lingering orb westward and bury it under the sands into which it appears to sink at night.

As some people imagine they can hasten the sun, so others fancy they can jog the tardy moon.  The natives of New Guinea reckon months by the moon, and some of them have been known to throw stones and spears at the moon, in order to accelerate its progress and so to hasten the return of their friends, who were away from home for twelve months working on a tobacco plantation.  The Malays think that a bright glow at sunset may throw a weak person into a fever.  Hence they attempt to extinguish the glow by spitting out water and throwing ashes at it.  The Shuswap Indians believe that they can bring on cold weather by burning the wood of a tree that has been struck by lightning.  The belief may be based on the observation that in their country cold follows a thunder-storm.  Hence in spring, when these Indians are travelling over the snow on high ground, they burn splinters of such wood in the fire in order that the crust of the snow may not melt.

4.  The Magical Control of the Wind

ONCE more, the savage thinks he can make the wind to blow or to be still.  When the day is hot and a Yakut has a long way to go, he takes a stone which he has chanced to find in an animal or fish, winds a horse-hair several times round it, and ties it to a stick.  He then waves the stick about, uttering a spell.  Soon a cool breeze begins to blow.  In order to procure a cool wind for nine days the stone should first be dipped in the blood of a bird or beast and then presented to the sun, while the sorcerer makes three turns contrary to the course of the luminary.  If a Hottentot desires the wind to drop, he takes one of his fattest skins and hangs it on the end of a pole, in the belief that by blowing the skin down the wind will lose all its force and must itself fall.  Fuegian wizards throw shells against the wind to make it drop.  The natives of the island of Bibili, off New Guinea, are reputed to make wind by blowing with their mouths.  In stormy weather the Bogadjim people say, “The Bibili folk are at it again, blowing away.”  Another way of making wind which is practised in New Guinea is to strike a “wind-stone” lightly with a stick; to strike it hard would bring on a hurricane.  So in Scotland witches used to raise the wind by dipping a rag in water and beating it thrice on a stone, saying: 

   “I knok this rag upone this stane
    To raise the wind in the divellis name,
    It sall not lye till I please againe.”

In Greenland a woman in child-bed and for some time after delivery is supposed to possess the power of laying a storm.  She has only to go out of doors, fill her mouth with air, and coming back into the house blow it out again.  In antiquity there was a family at Corinth which enjoyed the reputation of being able to still the raging wind; but we do not know in what manner its members exercised a useful function, which probably earned for them a more solid recompense than mere repute among the seafaring population of the isthmus.  Even in Christian times, under the reign of Constantine, a certain Sopater suffered death at Constantinople on a charge of binding the winds by magic, because it happened that the corn-ships of Egypt and Syria were detained afar off by calms or head-winds, to the rage and disappointment of the hungry Byzantine rabble.  Finnish wizards used to sell wind to storm-stayed mariners.  The wind was enclosed in three knots; if they undid the first knot, a moderate wind sprang up; if the second, it blew half a gale; if the third, a hurricane.  Indeed the Esthonians, whose country is divided from Finland only by an arm of the sea, still believe in the magical powers of their northern neighbours.  The bitter winds that blow in spring from the north and north-east, bringing ague and rheumatic inflammations in their train, are set down by the simple Esthonian peasantry to the machinations of the Finnish wizards and witches.  In particular they regard with special dread three days in spring to which they give the name of Days of the Cross; one of them falls on the Eve of Ascension Day.  The people in the neighbourhood of Fellin fear to go out on these days lest the cruel winds from Lappland should smite them dead.  A popular Esthonian song runs: 

    Wind of the Cross! rushing and mighty! 
    Heavy the blow of thy wings sweeping past! 
    Wild wailing wind of misfortune and sorrow,
    Wizards of Finland ride by on the blast.

It is said, too, that sailors, beating up against the wind in the Gulf of Finland, sometimes see a strange sail heave in sight astern and overhaul them hand over hand.  On she comes with a cloud of canvas—­all her studding-sails out—­right in the teeth of the wind, forging her way through the foaming billows, dashing back the spray in sheets from her cutwater, every sail swollen to bursting, every rope strained to cracking.  Then the sailors know that she hails from Finland.

The art of tying up the wind in three knots, so that the more knots are loosed the stronger will blow the wind, has been attributed to wizards in Lappland and to witches in Shetland, Lewis, and the Isle of Man.  Shetland seamen still buy winds in the shape of knotted handkerchiefs or threads from old women who claim to rule the storms.  There are said to be ancient crones in Lerwick now who live by selling wind.  Ulysses received the winds in a leathern bag from Aeolus, King of the Winds.  The Motumotu in New Guinea think that storms are sent by an Oiabu sorcerer; for each wind he has a bamboo which he opens at pleasure.  On the top of Mount Agu in Togo, a district of West Africa, resides a fetish called Bagba, who is supposed to control the wind and the rain.  His priest is said to keep the winds shut up in great pots.

Often the stormy wind is regarded as an evil being who may be intimidated, driven away, or killed.  When storms and bad weather have lasted long and food is scarce with the Central Esquimaux, they endeavour to conjure the tempest by making a long whip of seaweed, armed with which they go down to the beach and strike out in the direction of the wind, crying “Taba (it is enough)!” Once when north-westerly winds had kept the ice long on the coast and food was becoming scarce, the Esquimaux performed a ceremony to make a calm.  A fire was kindled on the shore, and the men gathered round it and chanted.  An old man then stepped up to the fire and in a coaxing voice invited the demon of the wind to come under the fire and warm himself.  When he was supposed to have arrived, a vessel of water, to which each man present had contributed, was thrown on the flames by an old man, and immediately a flight of arrows sped towards the spot where the fire had been.  They thought that the demon would not stay where he had been so badly treated.  To complete the effect, guns were discharged in various directions, and the captain of a European vessel was invited to fire on the wind with cannon.  On the twenty-first of February 1883 a similar ceremony was performed by the Esquimaux of Point Barrow, Alaska, with the intention of killing the spirit of the wind.  Women drove the demon from their houses with clubs and knives, with which they made passes in the air; and the men, gathering round a fire, shot him with their rifles and crushed him under a heavy stone the moment that steam rose in a cloud from the smouldering embers, on which a tub of water had just been thrown.

The Lengua Indians of the Gran Chaco ascribe the rush of a whirl-wind to the passage of a spirit and they fling sticks at it to frighten it away.  When the wind blows down their huts, the Payaguas of South America snatch up firebrands and run against the wind, menacing it with the blazing brands, while others beat the air with their fists to frighten the storm.  When the Guaycurus are threatened by a severe storm, the men go out armed, and the women and children scream their loudest to intimidate the demon.  During a tempest the inhabitants of a Batak village in Sumatra have been seen to rush from their houses armed with sword and lance.  The rajah placed himself at their head, and with shouts and yells they hewed and hacked at the invisible foe.  An old woman was observed to be specially active in the defence of her house, slashing the air right and left with a long sabre.  In a violent thunderstorm, the peals sounding very near, the Kayans of Borneo have been seen to draw their swords threateningly half out of their scabbards, as if to frighten away the demons of the storm.  In Australia the huge columns of red sand that move rapidly across a desert tract are thought by the natives to be spirits passing along.  Once an athletic young black ran after one of these moving columns to kill it with boomerangs.  He was away two or three hours, and came back very weary, saying he had killed Koochee (the demon), but that Koochee had growled at him and he must die.  Of the Bedouins of Eastern Africa it is said that “no whirl-wind ever sweeps across the path without being pursued by a dozen savages with drawn creeses, who stab into the centre of the dusty column in order to drive away the evil spirit that is believed to be riding on the blast.”

In the light of these examples a story told by Herodotus, which his modern critics have treated as a fable, is perfectly credible.  He says, without however vouching for the truth of the tale, that once in the land of the Psylli, the modern Tripoli, the wind blowing from the Sahara had dried up all the water-tanks.  So the people took counsel and marched in a body to make war on the south wind.  But when they entered the desert the simoon swept down on them and buried them to a man.  The story may well have been told by one who watched them disappearing, in battle array, with drums and cymbals beating, into the red cloud of whirling sand.