1. Diana and Virbius
WHO does not know Turner’s picture
of the Golden Bough? The scene, suffused with
the golden glow of imagination in which the divine
mind of Turner steeped and transfigured even the fairest
natural landscape, is a dream-like vision of the little
woodland lake of Nemi— “Diana’s
Mirror,” as it was called by the ancients.
No one who has seen that calm water, lapped in a green
hollow of the Alban hills, can ever forget it.
The two characteristic Italian villages which slumber
on its banks, and the equally Italian palace whose
terraced gardens descend steeply to the lake, hardly
break the stillness and even the solitariness of the
scene. Diana herself might still linger by this
lonely shore, still haunt these woodlands wild.
In antiquity this sylvan landscape
was the scene of a strange and recurring tragedy.
On the northern shore of the lake, right under the
precipitous cliffs on which the modern village of Nemi
is perched, stood the sacred grove and sanctuary of
Diana Nemorensis, or Diana of the Wood. The lake
and the grove were sometimes known as the lake and
grove of Aricia. But the town of Aricia (the modern
La Riccia) was situated about three miles off, at
the foot of the Alban Mount, and separated by a steep
descent from the lake, which lies in a small crater-like
hollow on the mountain side. In this sacred grove
there grew a certain tree round which at any time of
the day, and probably far into the night, a grim figure
might be seen to prowl. In his hand he carried
a drawn sword, and he kept peering warily about him
as if at every instant he expected to be set upon
by an enemy. He was a priest and a murderer; and
the man for whom he looked was sooner or later to
murder him and hold the priesthood in his stead.
Such was the rule of the sanctuary. A candidate
for the priesthood could only succeed to office by
slaying the priest, and having slain him, he retained
office till he was himself slain by a stronger or
a craftier.
The post which he held by this precarious
tenure carried with it the title of king; but surely
no crowned head ever lay uneasier, or was visited
by more evil dreams, than his. For year in, year
out, in summer and winter, in fair weather and in
foul, he had to keep his lonely watch, and whenever
he snatched a troubled slumber it was at the peril
of his life. The least relaxation of his vigilance,
the smallest abatement of his strength of limb or
skill of fence, put him in jeopardy; grey hairs might
seal his death-warrant. To gentle and pious pilgrims
at the shrine the sight of him might well seem to
darken the fair landscape, as when a cloud suddenly
blots the sun on a bright day. The dreamy blue
of Italian skies, the dappled shade of summer woods,
and the sparkle of waves in the sun, can have accorded
but ill with that stern and sinister figure. Rather
we picture to ourselves the scene as it may have been
witnessed by a belated wayfarer on one of those wild
autumn nights when the dead leaves are falling thick,
and the winds seem to sing the dirge of the dying
year. It is a sombre picture, set to melancholy
music—the background of forest showing
black and jagged against a lowering and stormy sky,
the sighing of the wind in the branches, the rustle
of the withered leaves under foot, the lapping of
the cold water on the shore, and in the foreground,
pacing to and fro, now in twilight and now in gloom,
a dark figure with a glitter of steel at the shoulder
whenever the pale moon, riding clear of the cloud-rack,
peers down at him through the matted boughs.
The strange rule of this priesthood
has no parallel in classical antiquity, and cannot
be explained from it. To find an explanation
we must go farther afield. No one will probably
deny that such a custom savours of a barbarous age,
and, surviving into imperial times, stands out in
striking isolation from the polished Italian society
of the day, like a primaeval rock rising from a smooth-shaven
lawn. It is the very rudeness and barbarity of
the custom which allow us a hope of explaining it.
For recent researches into the early history of man
have revealed the essential similarity with which,
under many superficial differences, the human mind
has elaborated its first crude philosophy of life.
Accordingly, if we can show that a barbarous custom,
like that of the priesthood of Nemi, has existed elsewhere;
if we can detect the motives which led to its institution;
if we can prove that these motives have operated widely,
perhaps universally, in human society, producing in
varied circumstances a variety of institutions specifically
different but generically alike; if we can show, lastly,
that these very motives, with some of their derivative
institutions, were actually at work in classical antiquity;
then we may fairly infer that at a remoter age the
same motives gave birth to the priesthood of Nemi.
Such an inference, in default of direct evidence as
to how the priesthood did actually arise, can never
amount to demonstration. But it will be more
or less probable according to the degree of completeness
with which it fulfils the conditions I have indicated.
The object of this book is, by meeting these conditions,
to offer a fairly probable explanation of the priesthood
of Nemi.
I begin by setting forth the few facts
and legends which have come down to us on the subject.
According to one story the worship of Diana at Nemi
was instituted by Orestes, who, after killing Thoas,
King of the Tauric Chersonese (the Crimea), fled with
his sister to Italy, bringing with him the image of
the Tauric Diana hidden in a faggot of sticks.
After his death his bones were transported from Aricia
to Rome and buried in front of the temple of Saturn,
on the Capitoline slope, beside the temple of Concord.
The bloody ritual which legend ascribed to the Tauric
Diana is familiar to classical readers; it is said
that every stranger who landed on the shore was sacrificed
on her altar. But transported to Italy, the rite
assumed a milder form. Within the sanctuary at
Nemi grew a certain tree of which no branch might
be broken. Only a runaway slave was allowed to
break off, if he could, one of its boughs. Success
in the attempt entitled him to fight the priest in
single combat, and if he slew him he reigned in his
stead with the title of King of the Wood (Rex Nemorensis).
According to the public opinion of the ancients the
fateful branch was that Golden Bough which, at the
Sibyl’s bidding, Aeneas plucked before he essayed
the perilous journey to the world of the dead.
The flight of the slave represented, it was said, the
flight of Orestes; his combat with the priest was a
reminiscence of the human sacrifices once offered
to the Tauric Diana. This rule of succession
by the sword was observed down to imperial times; for
amongst his other freaks Caligula, thinking that the
priest of Nemi had held office too long, hired a more
stalwart ruffian to slay him; and a Greek traveller,
who visited Italy in the age of the Antonines, remarks
that down to his time the priesthood was still the
prize of victory in a single combat.
Of the worship of Diana at Nemi some
leading features can still be made out. From
the votive offerings which have been found on the
site, it appears that she was conceived of especially
as a huntress, and further as blessing men and women
with offspring, and granting expectant mothers an
easy delivery. Again, fire seems to have played
a foremost part in her ritual. For during her
annual festival, held on the thirteenth of August,
at the hottest time of the year, her grove shone with
a multitude of torches, whose ruddy glare was reflected
by the lake; and throughout the length and breadth
of Italy the day was kept with holy rites at every
domestic hearth. Bronze statuettes found in her
precinct represent the goddess herself holding a torch
in her raised right hand; and women whose prayers
had been heard by her came crowned with wreaths and
bearing lighted torches to the sanctuary in fulfilment
of their vows. Some one unknown dedicated a perpetually
burning lamp in a little shrine at Nemi for the safety
of the Emperor Claudius and his family. The terra-cotta
lamps which have been discovered in the grove may
perhaps have served a like purpose for humbler persons.
If so, the analogy of the custom to the Catholic practice
of dedicating holy candles in churches would be obvious.
Further, the title of Vesta borne by Diana at Nemi
points clearly to the maintenance of a perpetual holy
fire in her sanctuary. A large circular basement
at the north-east corner of the temple, raised on
three steps and bearing traces of a mosaic pavement,
probably supported a round temple of Diana in her
character of Vesta, like the round temple of Vesta
in the Roman Forum. Here the sacred fire would
seem to have been tended by Vestal Virgins, for the
head of a Vestal in terra-cotta was found on the spot,
and the worship of a perpetual fire, cared for by
holy maidens, appears to have been common in Latium
from the earliest to the latest times. Further,
at the annual festival of the goddess, hunting dogs
were crowned and wild beasts were not molested; young
people went through a purificatory ceremony in her
honour; wine was brought forth, and the feast consisted
of a kid cakes served piping hot on plates of leaves,
and apples still hanging in clusters on the boughs.
But Diana did not reign alone in her
grove at Nemi. Two lesser divinities shared her
forest sanctuary. One was Egeria, the nymph of
the clear water which, bubbling from the basaltic rocks,
used to fall in graceful cascades into the lake at
the place called Le Mole, because here were established
the mills of the modern village of Nemi. The
purling of the stream as it ran over the pebbles is
mentioned by Ovid, who tells us that he had often drunk
of its water. Women with child used to sacrifice
to Egeria, because she was believed, like Diana, to
be able to grant them an easy delivery. Tradition
ran that the nymph had been the wife or mistress of
the wise king Numa, that he had consorted with her
in the secrecy of the sacred grove, and that the laws
which he gave the Romans had been inspired by communion
with her divinity. Plutarch compares the legend
with other tales of the loves of goddesses for mortal
men, such as the love of Cybele and the Moon for the
fair youths Attis and Endymion. According to
some, the trysting-place of the lovers was not in
the woods of Nemi but in a grove outside the dripping
Porta Capena at Rome, where another sacred spring of
Egeria gushed from a dark cavern. Every day the
Roman Vestals fetched water from this spring to wash
the temple of Vesta, carrying it in earthenware pitchers
on their heads. In Juvenal’s time the natural
rock had been encased in marble, and the hallowed
spot was profaned by gangs of poor Jews, who were
suffered to squat, like gypsies, in the grove.
We may suppose that the spring which fell into the
lake of Nemi was the true original Egeria, and that
when the first settlers moved down from the Alban
hills to the banks of the Tiber they brought the nymph
with them and found a new home for her in a grove outside
the gates. The remains of baths which have been
discovered within the sacred precinct, together with
many terra-cotta models of various parts of the human
body, suggest that the waters of Egeria were used
to heal the sick, who may have signified their hopes
or testified their gratitude by dedicating likenesses
of the diseased members to the goddess, in accordance
with a custom which is still observed in many parts
of Europe. To this day it would seem that the
spring retains medicinal virtues.
The other of the minor deities at
Nemi was Virbius. Legend had it that Virbius
was the young Greek hero Hippolytus, chaste and fair,
who learned the art of venery from the centaur Chiron,
and spent all his days in the greenwood chasing wild
beasts with the virgin huntress Artemis (the Greek
counterpart of Diana) for his only comrade. Proud
of her divine society, he spurned the love of women,
and this proved his bane. For Aphrodite, stung
by his scorn, inspired his stepmother Phaedra with
love of him; and when he disdained her wicked advances
she falsely accused him to his father Theseus.
The slander was believed, and Theseus prayed to his
sire Poseidon to avenge the imagined wrong. So
while Hippolytus drove in a chariot by the shore of
the Saronic Gulf, the sea-god sent a fierce bull forth
from the waves. The terrified horses bolted, threw
Hippolytus from the chariot, and dragged him at their
hoofs to death. But Diana, for the love she bore
Hippolytus, persuaded the leech Aesculapius to bring
her fair young hunter back to life by his simples.
Jupiter, indignant that a mortal man should return
from the gates of death, thrust down the meddling
leech himself to Hades. But Diana hid her favourite
from the angry god in a thick cloud, disguised his
features by adding years to his life, and then bore
him far away to the dells of Nemi, where she entrusted
him to the nymph Egeria, to live there, unknown and
solitary, under the name of Virbius, in the depth
of the Italian forest. There he reigned a king,
and there he dedicated a precinct to Diana. He
had a comely son, Virbius, who, undaunted by his father’s
fate, drove a team of fiery steeds to join the Latins
in the war against Aeneas and the Trojans. Virbius
was worshipped as a god not only at Nemi but elsewhere;
for in Campania we hear of a special priest devoted
to his service. Horses were excluded from the
Arician grove and sanctuary because horses had killed
Hippolytus. It was unlawful to touch his image.
Some thought that he was the sun. “But the
truth is,” says Servius, “that he is a
deity associated with Diana, as Attis is associated
with the Mother of the Gods, and Erichthonius with
Minerva, and Adonis with Venus.” What the
nature of that association was we shall enquire presently.
Here it is worth observing that in his long and chequered
career this mythical personage has displayed a remarkable
tenacity of life. For we can hardly doubt that
the Saint Hippolytus of the Roman calendar, who was
dragged by horses to death on the thirteenth of August,
Diana’s own day, is no other than the Greek
hero of the same name, who, after dying twice over
as a heathen sinner, has been happily resuscitated
as a Christian saint.
It needs no elaborate demonstration
to convince us that the stories told to account for
Diana’s worship at Nemi are unhistorical.
Clearly they belong to that large class of myths which
are made up to explain the origin of a religious ritual
and have no other foundation than the resemblance,
real or imaginary, which may be traced between it
and some foreign ritual. The incongruity of these
Nemi myths is indeed transparent, since the foundation
of the worship is traced now to Orestes and now to
Hippolytus, according as this or that feature of the
ritual has to be accounted for. The real value
of such tales is that they serve to illustrate the
nature of the worship by providing a standard with
which to compare it; and further, that they bear witness
indirectly to its venerable age by showing that the
true origin was lost in the mists of a fabulous antiquity.
In the latter respect these Nemi legends are probably
more to be trusted than the apparently historical tradition,
vouched for by Cato the Elder, that the sacred grove
was dedicated to Diana by a certain Egerius Baebius
or Laevius of Tusculum, a Latin dictator, on behalf
of the peoples of Tusculum, Aricia, Lanuvium, Laurentum,
Cora, Tibur, Pometia, and Ardea. This tradition
indeed speaks for the great age of the sanctuary,
since it seems to date its foundation sometime before
495 B.C., the year in which Pometia was sacked by
the Romans and disappears from history. But we
cannot suppose that so barbarous a rule as that of
the Arician priesthood was deliberately instituted
by a league of civilised communities, such as the
Latin cities undoubtedly were. It must have been
handed down from a time beyond the memory of man,
when Italy was still in a far ruder state than any
known to us in the historical period. The credit
of the tradition is rather shaken than confirmed by
another story which ascribes the foundation of the
sanctuary to a certain Manius Egerius, who gave rise
to the saying, “There are many Manii at Aricia.”
This proverb some explained by alleging that Manius
Egerius was the ancestor of a long and distinguished
line, whereas others thought it meant that there were
many ugly and deformed people at Aricia, and they
derived the name Manius from Mania, a bogey
or bugbear to frighten children. A Roman satirist
uses the name Manius as typical of the beggars who
lay in wait for pilgrims on the Arician slopes.
These differences of opinion, together with the discrepancy
between Manius Egerius of Aricia and Egerius Laevius
of Tusculum, as well as the resemblance of both names
to the mythical Egeria, excite our suspicion.
Yet the tradition recorded by Cato seems too circumstantial,
and its sponsor too respectable, to allow us to dismiss
it as an idle fiction. Rather we may suppose
that it refers to some ancient restoration or reconstruction
of the sanctuary, which was actually carried out by
the confederate states. At any rate it testifies
to a belief that the grove had been from early times
a common place of worship for many of the oldest cities
of the country, if not for the whole Latin confederacy.
2. Artemis and Hippolytus
I HAVE said that the Arician legends
of Orestes and Hippolytus, though worthless as history,
have a certain value in so far as they may help us
to understand the worship at Nemi better by comparing
it with the ritual and myths of other sanctuaries.
We must ask ourselves, Why did the author of these
legends pitch upon Orestes and Hippolytus in order
to explain Virbius and the King of the Wood?
In regard to Orestes, the answer is obvious. He
and the image of the Tauric Diana, which could only
be appeased with human blood, were dragged in to render
intelligible the murderous rule of succession to the
Arician priesthood. In regard to Hippolytus the
case is not so plain. The manner of his death
suggests readily enough a reason for the exclusion
of horses from the grove; but this by itself seems
hardly enough to account for the identification.
We must try to probe deeper by examining the worship
as well as the legend or myth of Hippolytus.
He had a famous sanctuary at his ancestral
home of Troezen, situated on that beautiful, almost
landlocked bay, where groves of oranges and lemons,
with tall cypresses soaring like dark spires above
the garden of Hesperides, now clothe the strip of
fertile shore at the foot of the rugged mountains.
Across the blue water of the tranquil bay, which it
shelters from the open sea, rises Poseidon’s
sacred island, its peaks veiled in the sombre green
of the pines. On this fair coast Hippolytus was
worshipped. Within his sanctuary stood a temple
with an ancient image. His service was performed
by a priest who held office for life; every year a
sacrificial festival was held in his honour; and his
untimely fate was yearly mourned, with weeping and
doleful chants, by unwedded maids. Youths and
maidens dedicated locks of their hair in his temple
before marriage. His grave existed at Troezen,
though the people would not show it. It has been
suggested, with great plausibility, that in the handsome
Hippolytus, beloved of Artemis, cut off in his youthful
prime, and yearly mourned by damsels, we have one
of those mortal lovers of a goddess who appear so
often in ancient religion, and of whom Adonis is the
most familiar type. The rivalry of Artemis and
Phaedra for the affection of Hippolytus reproduces,
it is said, under different names, the rivalry of
Aphrodite and Proserpine for the love of Adonis, for
Phaedra is merely a double of Aphrodite. The theory
probably does no injustice either to Hippolytus or
to Artemis. For Artemis was originally a great
goddess of fertility, and, on the principles of early
religion, she who fertilises nature must herself be
fertile, and to be that she must necessarily have a
male consort. On this view, Hippolytus was the
consort of Artemis at Troezen, and the shorn tresses
offered to him by the Troezenian youths and maidens
before marriage were designed to strengthen his union
with the goddess, and so to promote the fruitfulness
of the earth, of cattle, and of mankind. It is
some confirmation of this view that within the precinct
of Hippolytus at Troezen there were worshipped two
female powers named Damia and Auxesia, whose connexion
with the fertility of the ground is unquestionable.
When Epidaurus suffered from a dearth, the people,
in obedience to an oracle, carved images of Damia
and Auxesia out of sacred olive wood, and no sooner
had they done so and set them up than the earth bore
fruit again. Moreover, at Troezen itself, and
apparently within the precinct of Hippolytus, a curious
festival of stone-throwing was held in honour of these
maidens, as the Troezenians called them; and it is
easy to show that similar customs have been practised
in many lands for the express purpose of ensuring
good crops. In the story of the tragic death
of the youthful Hippolytus we may discern an analogy
with similar tales of other fair but mortal youths
who paid with their lives for the brief rapture of
the love of an immortal goddess. These hapless
lovers were probably not always mere myths, and the
legends which traced their spilt blood in the purple
bloom of the violet, the scarlet stain of the anemone,
or the crimson flush of the rose were no idle poetic
emblems of youth and beauty fleeting as the summer
flowers. Such fables contain a deeper philosophy
of the relation of the life of man to the life of
nature—a sad philosophy which gave birth
to a tragic practice. What that philosophy and
that practice were, we shall learn later on.
3. Recapitulation
WE can now perhaps understand why
the ancients identified Hippolytus, the consort of
Artemis, with Virbius, who, according to Servius,
stood to Diana as Adonis to Venus, or Attis to the
Mother of the Gods. For Diana, like Artemis,
was a goddess of fertility in general, and of childbirth
in particular. As such she, like her Greek counterpart,
needed a male partner. That partner, if Servius
is right, was Virbius. In his character of the
founder of the sacred grove and first king of Nemi,
Virbius is clearly the mythical predecessor or archetype
of the line of priests who served Diana under the
title of Kings of the Wood, and who came, like him,
one after the other, to a violent end. It is
natural, therefore, to conjecture that they stood
to the goddess of the grove in the same relation in
which Virbius stood to her; in short, that the mortal
King of the Wood had for his queen the woodland Diana
herself. If the sacred tree which he guarded
with his life was supposed, as seems probable, to
be her special embodiment, her priest may not only
have worshipped it as his goddess but embraced it as
his wife. There is at least nothing absurd in
the supposition, since even in the time of Pliny a
noble Roman used thus to treat a beautiful beech-tree
in another sacred grove of Diana on the Alban hills.
He embraced it, he kissed it, he lay under its shadow,
he poured wine on its trunk. Apparently he took
the tree for the goddess. The custom of physically
marrying men and women to trees is still practised
in India and other parts of the East. Why should
it not have obtained in ancient Latium?
Reviewing the evidence as a whole,
we may conclude that the worship of Diana in her sacred
grove at Nemi was of great importance and immemorial
antiquity; that she was revered as the goddess of
woodlands and of wild creatures, probably also of domestic
cattle and of the fruits of the earth; that she was
believed to bless men and women with offspring and
to aid mothers in childbed; that her holy fire, tended
by chaste virgins, burned perpetually in a round temple
within the precinct; that associated with her was a
water-nymph Egeria who discharged one of Diana’s
own functions by succouring women in travail, and
who was popularly supposed to have mated with an old
Roman king in the sacred grove; further, that Diana
of the Wood herself had a male companion Virbius by
name, who was to her what Adonis was to Venus, or
Attis to Cybele; and, lastly, that this mythical Virbius
was represented in historical times by a line of priests
known as Kings of the Wood, who regularly perished
by the swords of their successors, and whose lives
were in a manner bound up with a certain tree in the
grove, because so long as that tree was uninjured
they were safe from attack.
Clearly these conclusions do not of
themselves suffice to explain the peculiar rule of
succession to the priesthood. But perhaps the
survey of a wider field may lead us to think that they
contain in germ the solution of the problem.
To that wider survey we must now address ourselves.
It will be long and laborious, but may possess something
of the interest and charm of a voyage of discovery,
in which we shall visit many strange foreign lands,
with strange foreign peoples, and still stranger customs.
The wind is in the shrouds: we shake out our
sails to it, and leave the coast of Italy behind us
for a time.