XII
DORLANGE TO
MARIE-GASTON
Paris, May, 1839.
On my return this evening from the
Estorades, on whom I had paid my parting call, I found
your letter, my dear friend, in which you announce
your coming arrival. I shall await you to-morrow
during the day, but in the evening I must, without
further delay, start for Arcis-sur-Aube, where, in
the course of the next week my political matters will
come to a head. What particular hold I may have
on that town, which, as it appears, I have the ambition
to represent, and on what co-operation and assistance
I may rely,—in a word, who is making
my electoral bed,—all that I know as little
about as I did last year when I was told for the first
time that I must enter political life.
A few days ago I received a second
letter from my father, postmarked Paris this time,
and not Stockholm. Judging by the style of the
document, it would not surprise me if the “eminent
services” rendered in a Northern court by the
mysterious author of my days turned out to be those
of a Prussian corporal. It would be impossible
to issue orders in a more imperative tone, or to dwell
more minutely on trifling particulars.
The note or memorandum was headed
thus: What my son is to do.
On receipt of these instructions I
am to send to its destination the Saint-Ursula; to
superintend the packing and boxing of it myself, and
to despatch it by the fastest carrier, to Mother Marie-des-Anges,
superior of the convent of the Ursulines at Arcis-sur-Aube.
The order went on to say that I was
to follow the statue in a few days, so as to arrive
at the said Arcis-sur-Aube not later than the 3rd
of May. Even the inn at which I was to put up
was dictated. I would find myself expected at
the Hotel de la Poste; so that if I happen to prefer
any of the others I must resign that fancy. I
am also enjoined to publish in the newspapers on the
day of my departure the fact that I present myself
as candidate in the electoral arrondissement of Arcis-sur-Aube;
avoiding, however, to make any profession of political
faith, which would be both useless and premature.
The document ended with an injunction which, while
it humiliated me somewhat, gave me a certain faith
in what was happening. The Mongenod Brothers,
and draw for another sum of two hundred and fifty
thousand francs, which is to be deposited in
my name, “taking the utmost care,” continued
my instructions, “when transporting this money
from Paris to Arcis-sur-Aube that it be not lost or
stolen.”
What do you think of that last clause,
dear friend? That sum is to be deposited;
then it is not already there; and suppose it is not
there?—Besides, what am I to do with it
in Arcis? Am I to stand my election on English
principles? if so, a profession of political faith
would certainly be useless and premature. As to
the advice not to lose or allow to be stolen the money
in my possession, do you not think that that is making
me rather juvenile? I feel an inclination to suck
my thumb and cry for a rattle. However, I shall
let myself go with the current that is bearing me
along, and, notwithstanding the news of your coming
arrival, after paying a visit to the Brothers Mongenod,
I shall valiantly start, imagining the stupefaction
of the good people of Arcis on seeing another candidate
pop up in their midst like a Jack-in-the-box.
In Paris I have already fired my gun.
The “National” has announced my candidacy
in the warmest terms; and it seems that this evening,
in the house of the Minister of the Interior, where
Monsieur de l’Estorade was dining, I was discussed
at some length. I ought to add that, according
to Monsieur de l’Estorade, the general impression
is that I shall certainly fail of election. The
ministry might possibly fear a candidate from the
Left centre; but as for the democratic party to which
I am supposed to belong, they do not even allow that
it exists. The Left centre candidate has, however,
been disposed of by a ministerial envoy of the ablest
and most active description, and at this moment, when
I set off my small balloon, the election of the Conservative
candidate is pretty well assured.
Among the elements of my inevitable
defeat, Monsieur de l’Estorade condescended
to mention a matter about which, dear friend, I am
rather surprised that you have not already lectured
me. It is one of those agreeable calumnies put
in circulation in the salon Montcornet by the honored
and honorable Monsieur Bixiou. The scandal concerns
a handsome Italian woman whom I brought back from
Italy and with whom I am said to be living in a manner
not canonical. Come, tell me, what hindered you
from asking me to explain this important matter?
Did you think the charge so shameful that you feared
to offend me by alluding to it? Or have you such
confidence in my morality that you felt no need of
being strengthened therein? I did not have time
to enter upon the necessary explanations to Monsieur
de l’Estorade, neither have I the leisure to
write them to you now. If I speak of the incident
it is for the purpose of telling you of an observation
I think I have made, into the truth of which I want
you to examine after you get here. It is this:—
I have an idea that it would not be
agreeable to Monsieur de l’Estorade to see me
successful in my electoral campaign. He never
gave much approbation to the plan; in fact he tried
to dissuade me, but always from the point of view
of my own interests. But to-day, when he finds
that the plan has taken shape, and is actually discussed
in the ministerial salon, my gentleman turns bitter,
and he seems to feel a malignant pleasure in prophesying
my defeat and in producing this charming little infamy
under which he expects to bury our friendship.
Why so! I will tell you:
while feeling some gratitude for the service I did
him, the worthy man also felt from the height of his
social position a superiority over me of which my
entrance to the Chamber will now dispossess him; and
it is not agreeable to him to renounce that sense
of superiority. After all, what is an artist,
even though he may be a man of genius, compared to
a peer of France, a personage who puts his hand to
the tiller and steers the great political and social
system; a man who has access to kings and ministers,
and who would have the right if, by impossibility,
such audacity should seize upon his mind, of depositing
a black ball against the budget. Well, this privileged
being does not like that I, and others like me, should
assume the importance and authority of that insolent
elective Chamber.
But that is not all. Hereditary
statesmen have a foolish pretension: that of
being initiated by long study into a certain science
represented as arduous, which they call the science
of public affairs and which they (like physicians
with medical science) alone have the right to practise.
They are not willing that an underling, a journalist
for instance, or lower than that, an artist, a cutter
of images, should presume to slip into their domain
and speak out beside them. A poet, an artist,
a writer may be endowed with eminent faculties, they
will agree to that; the profession of such men presupposes
it; but statesmen they cannot be. Chateaubriand
himself, though better placed than the rest of us
to make himself a niche in the Governmental Olympus,
was turned out of doors one morning by a concise little
note, signed Joseph de Villele, dismissing him, as
was proper, to Rene, Atala, and other futilities.
I know that time and that tall posthumous
daughter of ours whom we call Posterity will some
day do good justice and plead the right thing in the
right place. Towards the end of 2039, the world,
if it deigns to last till then, will know what Canalis,
Joseph Bridau, Daniel d’Arthez, Stidmann, and
Leon de Lora were in 1839; whereas an infinitely small
number of persons will know that during the same period
Monsieur le Comte de l’Estorade was peer of France,
and president of the Cour des comptes; Monsieur le
Comte de Rastignac minister of Public Works; and his
brother-in-law, Monsieur le Baron Martial de la Roche-Hugon
was a diplomat and Councillor of State employed on
more or less extraordinary services.
But while awaiting this tardy classification
and distant reform, I think it well to let our great
governing class know from time to time that unless
their names are Richelieu or Colbert they are liable
to competition and are forced to accept it. So,
with this aggravating intention I begin to take pleasure
in my enterprise; and if I am elected, I shall, unless
you assure me that I have mistaken de l’Estorade’s
meaning, find occasion to let him and others of his
kind know that one can, if so disposed, climb over
the walls of their little parks and strut as their
equals.
But how is it, my dear friend, that
I rattle on about myself and say no word about the
sad emotions which must attend your return to France?
How can you bear them? And instead of endeavoring
to lay them aside, I fear you are willingly nursing
them and taking a melancholy pleasure in their revival.
Dear friend, I say to you of these great sorrows what
I said just now of our governing class—we
should consider them from the point of view of time
and space, by the action of which they become after
a while imperceptible.
Do me a favor! On arriving in
Paris without having a house prepared to receive you,
it would be very friendly—you would seem
like the man of old times—if you would
take up your quarters with me, instead of going to
Ville d’Avray, which, indeed, I think dangerous
and even bad for you. Stay with me, and you can
thus judge of my handsome housekeeper, and you will
see how much she has been calumniated and misunderstood.
You will also be near to the l’Estorades in whom
I expect you to find consolations; and besides, this
act would be a charming expiation for all the involuntary
wrongs you have done me. At any rate, I have
given my orders, and your room is ready for you.
P.S. You have not yet arrived,
dear friend, and I must close this letter, which will
be given to you by my housekeeper when you come by
my house, for I am certain that your first visit will
be to me.
I went this morning to the Mongenods’;
the two hundred and fifty thousand francs were there,
but with the accompaniment of a most extraordinary
circumstance; the money was in the name of the Comte
de Sallenauve, otherwise Dorlange, sculptor, 42 rue
de l’Ouest. In spite of an appellation
which has never been mine, the money was mine, and
was paid to me without the slightest hesitation.
I had enough presence of mind not to seem stupefied
by my new name and title before the cashier; but I
saw Monsieur Mongenod the elder in private, a man who
enjoys the highest reputation at the Bank, and to him
I expressed my astonishment, asking for whatever explanations
he was able to give me. He could give none; the
money came to him through a Dutch banker, his correspondent
at Rotterdam, and he knew nothing beyond that. Ah
ca! what does it all mean? Am I to be a noble?
Has the moment come for my father to acknowledge me?
I start in a state of agitation and of anxiety which
you can well understand. Until I hear from you,
I shall address my letters to you here. If you
decide not to stay in my house, let me know your address
at once. Say nothing of what I have now told
you to the l’Estorades; let it remain secret
between us.