The immediate consequences of Hamilton’s
Report were a rise of fifty per cent in the securities
of the bankrupt Confederation, and a bitter warfare
in Congress. All were agreed upon the propriety
of paying the foreign loan, but the battle raged about
every other point in turn. One of the legacies
of the old Congress was the principle of repudiating
what it was not convenient to redeem, and the politicians
of the country had insensibly fallen into the habit
of assuming that they should start clear with the
new government, and relegate the domestic debt to the
limbo which held so many other resources best forgotten.
They were far from admitting the full measure of their
inheritance, however, and opened the battle with a
loud denouncement of the greedy speculator who had
defrauded the impoverished soldier, to whose needs
they had been indifferent hitherto. Most of this
feeling concentrated in the opposition, but many Federalists
were so divided upon the question of discrimination
that for a time the other great questions contained
in the Report fell back. Feeling became so bitter
that those who supported the assignees were accused
of speculation, and personalities were hot and blistering.
Many of the strongest men, however, ranged with Hamilton,
and were in sight of victory, when Madison, who had
hoped to see the question settle itself in favour
of the original holders without his open support,
came out with a double bomb; the first symptom of his
opposition to the Federal party, and an unconstitutional
proposition that the holders by assignment should
receive the highest market-price yet reached by the
certificates, by which they would reap no inconsiderable
profit, and that the balance of the sum due, possibly
more than one-half, should be distributed among the
original holders. For a time the reputation for
statemanship which Madison had won was clouded, for
his admission of the claims of the assignees nullified
any argument he could advance in favour of the original
holders. But he had his limitations. There
was nothing of the business man in his composition.
One of the most notable and useful attributes of Hamilton’s
versatile brain was excluded from his, beyond its comprehension.
His proposition was rejected by thirty-six votes to
thirteen.
Then the hostile camps faced each
other on the questions of the domestic debt and assumption.
In regard to the former, common decency finally prevailed,
but the other threatened to disrupt the Union, for
the Eastern States threw out more than one hint of
secession did the measure fail. Madison, without
further subterfuge, came forth at the head of his
State as the leader of the anti-assumptionists.
He offered no explanation to his former chief and
none was demanded. For a time Hamilton was bitterly
disgusted and wounded. He shrugged his shoulders,
finally, and accepted his new enemy with philosophy,
though by no means with amiability and forgiveness;
but he had seen too much of the selfishness and meanness
of human nature to remain pained or astonished at
any defection.
When June came, however, he was deeply
uneasy. On March 29th the resolutions providing
for the foreign debt and for paying in full the principal
of the domestic debt to the present holders passed
without a division. So did the resolution in
favour of paying the arrears of interest in like manner
with the principal of the domestic debt. But the
resolution in favour of assumption was recommitted.
The next day the friends of assumption had the other
resolutions also recommitted, and the furious battle
raged again. Finally, on June 2d, a bill was passed
by the House, which left the question of assumption
to be settled by a future test of strength.
The anti-assumptionists were triumphant,
for they believed the idea would gain in unpopularity.
But they reckoned without Hamilton.