Moscow
The Military Revolutionary Committee,
with a fierce intensity, followed up its victory:
November 14th.
To all Army, corps, divisional and
regimental Committees, to all Soviets of Workers’,
Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, to all,
all, all.
Conforming to the agreement between
the Cossacks, yunkers, soldiers, sailors and
workers, it has been decided to arraign Alexander
Feodorvitch Kerensky before a tribunal of the people.
We demand that Kerensky be arrested, and that he be
ordered, in the name of the organisations hereinafter
mentioned, to come immediately to Petrograd and present
himself to the tribunal.
Signed,
The Cossacks of the First Division
of Ussuri Cavalry; the Committee of Yunkers of the
Petrograd detachment of Franc-Tireurs; the delegate
of the Fifth Army.
People’s Commissar DYBENKO.
The Committee for Salvation, the Duma,
the Central Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary
party-proudly claiming Kerensky as a member-all passionately
protested that he could only be held responsible to
the Constituent Assembly.
On the evening of November 16th I
watched two thousand Red Guards swing down the Zagorodny
Prospekt behind a military band playing the Marseillaise-and
how appropriate it sounded-with blood-red flags over
the dark ranks of workmen, to welcome home again their
brothers who had defended “Red Petrograd.”
In the bitter dusk they tramped, men and women, their
tall bayonets swaying; through streets faintly lighted
and slippery with mud, between silent crowds of bourgeois,
contemptuous but fearful….
All were against them-business men,
speculators, investors, land-owners, army officers,
politicians, teachers, students, professional men,
shop-keepers, clerks, agents. The other Socialist
parties hated the Bolsheviki with an implacable hatred.
On the side of the Soviets were the rank and file
of the workers, the sailors, all the undemoralised
soldiers, the landless peasants, and a few-a very
few-intellectuals….
From the farthest corners of great
Russia, whereupon desperate street-fighting burst
like a wave, news of Kerensky’s defeat came
echoing back the immense roar of proletarian victory.
Kazan, Saratov, Novgorod, Vinnitza-where the streets
had run with blood; Moscow, where the Bolsheviki had
turned their artillery against the last strong-hold
of the bourgeoisie-the Kremlin.
“They are bombarding the Kremlin!”
The news passed from mouth to mouth in the streets
of Petrograd, almost with a sense of terror.
Travellers from “white and shining little mother
Moscow” told fearful tales. Thousands killed;
the Tverskaya and the Kuznetsky Most in flames; the
church of Vasili Blazheiny a smoking ruin; Usspensky
Cathedral crumbling down; the Spasskaya Gate of the
Kremlin tottering; the Duma burned to the ground.
(See App. X, Sect. 1)
Nothing that the Bolsheviki had done
could compare with this fearful blasphemy in the heart
of Holy Russia. To the ears of the devout sounded
the shock of guns crashing in the face of the Holy
Orthodox Church, and pounding to dust the sanctuary
of the Russian nation….
On November 15th, Lunatcharsky, Commissar
of Education, broke into tears at the session of the
Council of People’s Commissars, and rushed from
the room, crying, “I cannot stand it! I
cannot bear the monstrous destruction of beauty and
tradition….”
That afternoon his letter of resignation
was published in the newspapers:
I have just been informed, by people
arriving from Moscow, what has happened there.
The Cathedral of St. Basil the Blessed,
the Cathedral of the Assumption, are being bombarded.
The Kremlin, where are now gathered the most important
art treasures of Petrograd and of Moscow, is under
artillery fire. There are thousands of victims.
The fearful struggle there has reached
a pitch of bestial ferocity.
What is left? What more can happen?
I cannot bear this. My cup is
full. I am unable to endure these horrors.
It is impossible to work under the pressure of thoughts
which drive me mad!
That is why I am leaving the Council
of People’s Commissars.
I fully realise the gravity of this
decision. But I can bear no more…. (See App.
X, Sect. 2)
That same day the White Guards and
yunkers in the Kremlin surrendered, and were
allowed to march out unharmed. The treaty of
peace follows:
1. The Committee of Public Safety ceases to exist.
2. The White Guard gives up its
arms and dissolves. The officers retain their
swords and regulations side-arms. In the Military
Schools are retained only the arms necessary for instruction;
all others are surrendered by the yunkers.
The Military Revolutionary Committee guarantees the
liberty and inviolability of the person.
3. To settle the question of
disarmament, as set forth in section 2, a special
commission is appointed, consisting of representatives
from all organisations which took part in the peace
negotiations.
4. From the moment of the signature
of this peace treaty, both parties shall immediately
give order to cease firing and halt all military operations,
taking measures to ensure punctual obedience to this
order.
5. At the signature of the treaty,
all prisoners made by the two parties shall be released….
For two days now the Bolsheviki had
been in control of the city. The frightened citizens
were creeping out of their cellars to seek their dead;
the barricades in the streets were being removed.
Instead of diminishing, however, the stories of destruction
in Moscow continued to grow…. And it was under
the influence of these fearful reports that we decided
to go there.
Petrograd, after all, in spite of
being for a century the seat of Government, is still
an artificial city. Moscow is real Russia, Russia
as it was and will be; in Moscow we would get the true
feeling of the Russian people about the Revolution.
Life was more intense there.
For the past week the Petrograd Military
Revolutionary Committee, aided by the rank and file
of the Railway Workers, had seized control of the
Nicolai Railroad, and hurled trainload after trainload
of sailors and Red Guards southwest…. We were
provided with passes from Smolny, without which no
one could leave the capital…. When the train
backed into the station, a mob of shabby soldiers,
all carrying huge sacks of eatables, stormed the doors,
smashed the windows, and poured into all the compartments,
filling up the aisles and even climbing onto the roof.
Three of us managed to wedge our way into a compartment,
but almost immediately about twenty soldiers entered….
There was room for only four people; we argued, expostulated,
and the conductor joined us-but the soldiers merely
laughed. Were they to bother about the comfort
of a lot of boorzhui (bourgeois)? We produced
the passes from Smolny; instantly the soldiers changed
their attitude.
“Come, comrades,” cried
one, “these are American tovarishtchi.
They have come thirty thousand versts to see our Revolution,
and they are naturally tired….”
With polite and friendly apologies
the soldiers began to leave. Shortly afterward
we heard them breaking into a compartment occupied
by two stout, well-dressed Russians, who had bribed
the conductor and locked their door….
About seven o’clock in the evening
we drew out of the station, an immense long train
drawn by a weak little locomotive burning wood, and
stumbled along slowly, with many stops. The soldiers
on the roof kicked with their heels and sang whining
peasant songs; and in the corridor, so jammed that
it was impossible to pass, violent political debates
raged all night long. Occasionally the conductor
came through, as a matter of habit, looking for tickets.
He found very few except ours, and after a half-hour
of futile wrangling, lifted his arms despairingly
and withdrew. The atmosphere was stifling, full
of smoke and foul odours; if it hadn’t been
for the broken windows we would doubtless have smothered
during the night.
In the morning, hours late, we looked
out upon a snowy world. It was bitter cold.
About noon a peasant woman got on with a basket-full
of bread-chunks and a great can of luke warm coffee-substitute.
From then on until dark there was nothing but the
packed train, jolting and stopping, and occasional
stations where a ravenous mob swooped down on the
scantily-furnished buffet and swept it clean….
At one of these halts I ran into Nogin and Rykov,
the seceding Commissars, who were returning to Moscow
to put their grievances before their own Soviet,
1and further along was Bukharin, a short, red-bearded
man with the eyes of a fanatic-”more Left than Lenin,”
they said of him….
Then the three strokes of the bell
and we made a rush for the train, worming our way
through the packed and noisy aisle…. A good-natured
crowd, bearing the discomfort with humorous patience,
interminably arguing about everything from the situation
in Petrograd to the British Trade-Union system, and
disputing loudly with the few boorzhui who
were on board. Before we reached Moscow almost
every car had organised a Committee to secure and
distribute food, and these Committees became divided
into political factions, who wrangled over fundamental
principles….
The station at Moscow was deserted.
We went to the office of the Commissar, in order to
arrange for our return tickets. He was a sullen
youth with the shoulder-straps of a Lieutenant; when
we showed him our papers from Smolny, he lost his
temper and declared that he was no Bolshevik, that
he represented the Committee of Public Safety….
It was characteristic-in the general turmoil attending
the conquest of the city, the chief railway station
had been forgotten by the victors….
Not a cab in sight. A few blocks
down the street, however, we woke up a grotesquely-padded
izvostchik asleep upright on the box of his
little sleigh. “How much to the centre of
the town?”
He scratched his head. “The
barini won’t be able to find a room in
any hotel,” he said. “But I’ll
take you around for a hundred rubles….”
Before the Revolution it cost two! We objected,
but he simply shrugged his shoulders. “It
takes a good deal of courage to drive a sleigh nowadays,”
he went on. We could not beat him down below
fifty…. As we sped along the silent, snowy half-lighted
streets, he recounted his adventures during the six
days’ fighting. “Driving along, or
waiting for a fare on the corner,” he said, “all
of a sudden pooff! a cannon ball exploding here,
pooff! a cannon ball there, ratt-ratt!
a machine-gun…. I gallop, the devils shooting
all around. I get to a nice quiet street and stop,
doze a little, pooff! another cannon ball,
ratt-ratt.... Devils! Devils!
Devils! Brrr!”
In the centre of the town the snow-piled
streets were quiet with the stillness of convalescence.
Only a few arc-lights were burning, only a few pedestrians
hurried along the side-walks. An icy wind blew
from the great plain, cutting to the bone. At
the first hotel we entered an office illuminated by
two candles.
“Yes, we have some very comfortable
rooms, but all the windows are shot out. If the
gospodin does not mind a little fresh air….”
Down the Tverskaya the shop-windows
were broken, and there were shell-holes and torn-up
paving stones in the street. Hotel after hotel,
all full, or the proprietors still so frightened that
all they could say was, “No, no, there is no
room! There is no room!” On the main streets,
where the great banking-houses and mercantile houses
lay, the Bolshevik artillery had been indiscriminately
effective. As one Soviet official told me, “Whenever
we didn’t know just where the yunkers
and White Guards were, we bombarded their pocketbooks….”
At the big Hotel National they finally
took us in; for we were foreigners, and the Military
Revolutionary Committee had promised to protect the
dwellings of foreigners…. On the top floor the
manager showed us where shrapnel had shattered several
windows. “The animals!” said he,
shaking his first at imaginary Bolsheviki. “But
wait! Their time will come; in just a few days
now their ridiculous Government will fall, and then
we shall make them suffer!”
We dined at a vegetarian restaurant
with the enticing name, “I Eat Nobody,”
and Tolstoy’s picture prominent on the walls,
and then sallied out into the streets.
The headquarters of the Moscow Soviet
was in the palace of the former Governor-General,
an imposing white building fronting Skobeliev Square.
Red Guards stood sentry at the door. At the head
of the wide, formal stairway, whose walls were plastered
with announcements of committee-meetings and addresses
of political parties, we passed through a series of
lofty ante-rooms, hung with red-shrouded pictures
in gold frames, to the splendid state salon, with its
magnificent crystal lustres and gilded cornices.
A low-voiced hum of talk, underlaid with the whirring
bass of a score of sewing machines, filled the place.
Huge bolts of red and black cotton cloth were unrolled,
serpentining across the parqueted floor and over tables,
at which sat half a hundred women, cutting and sewing
streamers and banners for the Funeral of the Revolutionary
Dead. The faces of these women were roughened
and scarred with life at its most difficult; they
worked now sternly, many of them with eyes red from
weeping…. The losses of the Red Army had been
heavy.
At a desk in one corner was Rogov,
an intelligent, bearded man with glasses, wearing
the black blouse of a worker. He invited us to
march with the Central Executive Committee in the
funeral procession next morning….
“It is impossible to teach the
Socialist Revolutionaries and the Mensheviki anything!”
he exclaimed. “They compromise from sheer
habit. Imagine! They proposed that we hold
a joint funeral with the yunkers!”
[Graphic page-251 Questionairre for the Bourgeoioisie]
Distributed to all bourgeois households
in Moscow by the Moscow Military Revolutionary Commitee,
so as to provide a basis for the requisition of clothing
for the Army and the poor workers. For translation
see Appendix 3. (See App. X, Sect. 3)
Across the hall came a man in a ragged
soldier-coat and shapka, whose face was familiar;
I recognised Melnichansky, whom I had known as the
watch-maker George Melcher in Bayonne, New Jersey,
during the great Standard Oil strike. Now, he
told me, he was secretary of the Moscow Metal-Workers’
Union, and a Commissar of the Military Revolutionary
Committee during the fighting….
“You see me!” he cried,
showing his decrepit clothing. “I was with
the boys in the Kremlin when the yunkers came
the first time. They shut me up in the cellar
and swiped my overcoat, my money, watch and even the
ring on my finger. This is all I’ve got
to wear!”
From him I learned many details of
the bloody six-day battle which had rent Moscow in
two. Unlike in Petrograd, in Moscow the City Duma
had taken command of the yunkers and White Guards.
Rudnev, the Mayor, and Minor, president of the Duma,
had directed the activities of the Committee of Public
Safety and the troops. Riabtsev, Commandant of
the city, a man of democratic instincts, had hesitated
about opposing the Military Revolutionary Committee;
but the Duma had forced him…. It was the Mayor
who had urged the occupation of the Kremlin; “They
will never dare fire on you there,” he said….
One garrison regiment, badly demoralised
by long inactivity, had been approached by both sides.
The regiment held a meeting to decide what action
to take. Resolved, that the regiment remain neutral,
and continue its present activities-which consisted
in peddling rubbers and sunflower seeds!
“But worst of all,” said
Melnichansky, “we had to organise while we were
fighting. The other side knew just what it wanted;
but here the soldiers had their Soviet and the workers
theirs…. There was a fearful wrangle over who
should be Commander-in-chief; some regiments talked
for days before they decided what to do; and when the
officers suddenly deserted us, we had no battle-staff
to give orders….”
Vivid little pictures he gave me.
On a cold grey day he had stood at a corner of the
Nikitskaya, which was swept by blasts of machine-gun
fire. A throng of little boys were gathered there-street
waifs who used to be newsboys. Shrill, excited
as if with a new game, they waited until the firing
slackened, and then tried to run across the street….
Many were killed, but the rest dashed backward and
forward, laughing, daring each other….
Late in the evening I went to the
Dvorianskoye Sobranie-the Nobles’ Club-where
the Moscow Bolsheviki were to meet and consider the
report of Nogin, Rykov and the others who had left
the Council of People’s Commissars.
The meeting-place was a theatre, in
which, under the old régime, to audiences of officers
and glittering ladies, amateur presentations of the
latest French comedy had once taken place.
At first the place filled with the
intellectuals-those who lived near the centre of the
town. Nogin spoke, and most of his listeners were
plainly with him. It was very late before the
workers arrived; the working-class quarters were on
the outskirts of the town, and no street-cars were
running. But about midnight they began to clump
up the stairs, in groups of ten or twenty-big, rough
men, in coarse clothes, fresh from the battle-line,
where they had fought like devils for a week, seeing
their comrades fall all about them.
Scarcely had the meeting formally
opened before Nogin was assailed with a tempest of
jeers and angry shouts. In vain he tried to argue,
to explain; they would not listen. He had left
the Council of People’s Commissars; he had deserted
his post while the battle was raging. As for
the bourgeois press, here in Moscow there was no more
bourgeois press; even the City Duma had been dissolved.
(See App. X, Sect. 4) Bukharin stood up, savage,
logical, with a voice which plunged and struck, plunged
and struck…. Him they listened to with shining
eyes. Resolution, to support the action of the
Council of People’s Commissars, passed by overwhelming
majority. So spoke Moscow….
[Graphic page-254 Pass to the Kremlin]
By this the Military Revolutionary Commitee requests
to give a pass for the purpose of investigating the
Kremlin, the representatives of the American Socialist
party attached to the Socialist press, comrades Reed
and Bryant.
Chief
of the Military Revolutionary Committee
For
the Secretary
Late in the night we went through
the empty streets and under the Iberian Gate to the
great Red Square in front of the Kremlin. The
church of Vasili Blazheiny loomed fantastic, its bright-coloured,
convoluted and blazoned cupolas vague in the darkness.
There was no sign of any damage…. Along one
side of the square the dark towers and walls of the
Kremlin stood up. On the high walls flickered
redly the light of hidden flames; voices reached us
across the immense place, and the sound of picks and
shovels. We crossed over.
Mountains of dirt and rock were piled
high near the base of the wall. Climbing these
we looked down into two massive pits, ten or fifteen
feet deep and fifty yards long, where hundreds of soldiers
and workers were digging in the light of huge fires.
A young student spoke to us in German.
“The Brotherhood Grave,” he explained.
“To-morrow we shall bury here five hundred proletarians
who died for the Revolution.”
He took us down into the pit.
In frantic haste swung the picks and shovels, and
the earth-mountains grew. No one spoke. Overhead
the night was thick with stars, and the ancient Imperial
Kremlin wall towered up immeasurably.
“Here in this holy place,”
said the student, “holiest of all Russia, we
shall bury our most holy. Here where are the tombs
of the Tsars, our Tsar-the People-shall sleep….”
His arm was in a sling, from a bullet-wound gained
in the fighting. He looked at it. “You
foreigners look down on us Russians because so long
we tolerated a mediæval monarchy,” said he.
“But we saw that the Tsar was not the only tyrant
in the world; capitalism was worse, and in all the
countries of the world capitalism was Emperor….
Russian revolutionary tactics are best….”
As we left, the workers in the pit,
exhausted and running with sweat in spite of the cold,
began to climb wearily out. Across the Red Square
a dark knot of men came hurrying. They swarmed
into the pits, picked up the tools and began digging,
digging, without a word….
So, all the long night volunteers
of the People relieved each other, never halting in
their driving speed, and the cold light of the dawn
laid bare the great Square, white with snow, and the
yawning brown pits of the Brotherhood Grave, quite
finished.
We rose before sunrise, and hurried
through the dark streets to Skobeliev Square.
In all the great city not a human being could be seen;
but there was a faint sound of stirring, far and near,
like a deep wind coming. In the pale half-light
a little group of men and women were gathered before
the Soviet headquarters, with a sheaf of gold-lettered
red banners-the Central Executive Committee of the
Moscow Soviets. It grew light. From afar
the vague stirring sound deepened and became louder,
a steady and tremendous bass. The city was rising.
We set out down the Tverskaya, the banners flapping
overhead. The little street chapels along our
way were locked and dark, as was the Chapel of the
Iberian Virgin, which each new Tsar used to visit
before he went to the Kremlin to crown himself, and
which, day or night, was always open and crowded, and
brilliant with the candles of the devout gleaming
on the gold and silver and jewels of the ikons.
Now, for the first time since Napoleon was in Moscow,
they say, the candles were out.
The Holy Orthodox Church had withdrawn
the light of its countenance from Moscow, the nest
of irreverent vipers who had bombarded the Kremlin.
Dark and silent and cold were the churches; the priests
had disappeared. There were no popes to officiate
at the Red Burial, there had been no sacrament for
the dead, nor were any prayers to be said over the
grave of the blasphemers. Tikhon, Metropolitan
of Moscow, was soon to excommunicate the Soviets….
Also the shops were closed, and the
propertied classes stayed at home-but for other reasons.
This was the Day of the People, the rumour of whose
coming was thunderous as surf….
Already through the Iberian Gate a
human river was flowing, and the vast Red Square was
spotted with people, thousands of them. I remarked
that as the throng passed the Iberian Chapel, where
always before the passerby had crossed himself, they
did not seem to notice it….
We forced our way through the dense
mass packed near the Kremlin wall, and stood upon
one of the dirt-mountains. Already several men
were there, among them Muranov, the soldier who had
been elected Commandant of Moscow-a tall, simple-looking,
bearded man with a gentle face.
Through all the streets to the Red
Square the torrents of people poured, thousands upon
thousands of them, all with the look of the poor and
the toiling. A military band came marching up,
playing the Internationale, and spontaneously
the song caught and spread like wind-ripples on a
sea, slow and solemn. From the top of the Kremlin
wall gigantic banners unrolled to the ground; red,
with great letters in gold and in white, saying, “Martyrs
of the Beginning of World Social Revolution,”
and “Long Live the Brotherhood of Workers of
the World.”
A bitter wind swept the Square, lifting
the banners. Now from the far quarters of the
city the workers of the different factories were arriving,
with their dead. They could be seen coming through
the Gate, the blare of their banners, and the dull
red-like blood-of the coffins they carried. These
were rude boxes, made of unplaned wood and daubed
with crimson, borne high on the shoulders of rough
men who marched with tears streaming down their faces,
and followed by women who sobbed and screamed, or
walked stiffly, with white, dead faces. Some
of the coffins were open, the lid carried behind them;
others were covered with gilded or silvered cloth,
or had a soldier’s hat nailed on the top.
There were many wreaths of hideous artificial flowers….
Through an irregular lane that opened
and closed again the procession slowly moved toward
us. Now through the Gate was flowing an endless
stream of banners, all shades of red, with silver and
gold lettering, knots of crepe hanging from the top-and
some Anarchist flags, black with white letters.
The band was playing the Revolutionary Funeral March,
and against the immense singing of the mass of people,
standing uncovered, the paraders sang hoarsely, choked
with sobs….
Between the factory-workers came companies
of soldiers with their coffins, too, and squadrons
of cavalry, riding at salute, and artillery batteries,
the cannon wound with red and black-forever, it seemed.
Their banners said, “Long live the Third International!”
or “We Want an Honest, General, Democratic Peace!”
Slowly the marchers came with their
coffins to the entrance of the grave, and the bearers
clambered up with their burdens and went down into
the pit. Many of them were women-squat, strong
proletarian women. Behind the dead came other
women-women young and broken, or old, wrinkled women
making noises like hurt animals, who tried to follow
their sons and husbands into the Brotherhood Grave,
and shrieked when compassionate hands restrained them.
The poor love each other so!
All the long day the funeral procession
passed, coming in by the Iberian Gate and leaving
the Square by way of the Nikolskaya, a river of red
banners, bearing words of hope and brotherhood and
stupendous prophecies, against a back-ground of fifty
thousand people,-under the eyes of the world’s
workers and their descendants forever….
One by one the five hundred coffins
were laid in the pits. Dusk fell, and still the
banners came drooping and fluttering, the band played
the Funeral March, and the huge assemblage chanted.
In the leafless branches of the trees above the grave
the wreaths were hung, like strange, multi-coloured
blossoms. Two hundred men began to shovel in
the dirt. It rained dully down upon the coffins
with a thudding sound, audible beneath the singing….
The lights came out. The last
banners passed, and the last moaning women, looking
back with awful intensity as they went. Slowly
from the great Square ebbed the proletarian tide….
I suddenly realised that the devout
Russian people no longer needed priests to pray them
into heaven. On earth they were building a kingdom
more bright than any heaven had to offer, and for which
it was a glory to die….