To the average reader the multiplicity
of Russian organisations-political groups, Committees
and Central Committees, Soviets, Dumas and Unions-will
prove extremely confusing. For this reason I
am giving here a few brief definitions and explanations.
Political Parties
In the elections to the Constituent
Assembly, there were seventeen tickets in Petrograd,
and in some of the provincial towns as many as forty;
but the following summary of the aims and composition
of political parties is limited to the groups and
factions mentioned in this book. Only the essence
of their programmes and the general character of their
constituencies can be noticed….
1. Monarchists, of various
shades, Octobrists, etc. These once-powerful
factions no longer existed openly; they either worked
underground, or their members joined the Cadets,
as the Cadets came by degrees to stand for
their political programme. Representatives in
this book, Rodzianko, Shulgin.
2. Cadets. So-called from
the initials of its name, Constitutional Democrats.
Its official name is “Party of the People’s
Freedom.” Under the Tsar composed of Liberals
from the propertied classes, the Cadets were
the great party of political reform, roughly
corresponding to the Progressive Party in America.
When the Revolution broke out in March, 1917, the
Cadets formed the first Provisional Government.
The Cadet Ministry was overthrown in April
because it declared itself in favour of Allied imperialistic
aims, including the imperialistic aims of the Tsar’s
Government. As the Revolution became more and
more a social economic Revolution, the Cadets
grew more and more conservative. Its representatives
in this book are: Miliukov, Vinaver, Shatsky.
2a. Group of Public Men.
After the Cadets had become unpopular through
their relations with the Kornilov counter-revolution,
the Group of Public Men was formed in Moscow.
Delegates from the Group of Public Men were
given portfolios in the last Kerensky Cabinet.
The Group declared itself non-partisan, although
its intellectual leaders were men like Rodzianko and
Shulgin. It was composed of the more “modern”
bankers, merchants and manufacturers, who were intelligent
enough to realise that the Soviets must be fought by
their own weapon-economic organisation. Typical
of the Group: Lianozov, Konovalov.
3. Populist Socialists, or
Trudoviki (Labour Group). Numerically
a small party, composed of cautious intellectuals,
the leaders of the Cooperative societies, and conservative
peasants. Professing to be Socialists, the Populists
really supported the interests of the petty bourgeoisie-clerks,
shopkeepers, etc. By direct descent, inheritors
of the compromising tradition of the Labour Group
in the Fourth Imperial Duma, which was composed largely
of peasant representatives. Kerensky was the leader
of the Trudoviki in the Imperial Duma when
the Revolution of March, 1917, broke out. The
Populist Socialists are a nationalistic party.
Their representatives in this book are: Peshekhanov,
Tchaikovsky.
4. Russian Social Democratic
Labour Party. Originally Marxian Socialists.
At a party congress held in 1903, the party split,
on the question of tactics, into two factions-the
Majority (Bolshinstvo), and the Minority (Menshinstvo).
From this sprang the names “Bolsheviki”
and “Mensheviki”-“members of the majority”
and “members of the minority.” These
two wings became two separate parties, both calling
themselves “Russian Social Democratic Labour
Party,” and both professing to be Marxians.
Since the Revolution of 1905 the Bolsheviki were really
the minority, becoming again the majority in September,
1917.
a. Mensheviki. This party
includes all shades of Socialists who believe that
society must progress by natural evolution toward
Socialism, and that the working-class must conquer
political power first. Also a nationalistic party.
This was the party of the Socialist intellectuals,
which means: all the means of education having
been in the hands of the propertied classes, the intellectuals
instinctively reacted to their training, and took the
side of the propertied classes. Among their representatives
in this book are: Dan, Lieber, Tseretelli.
b. Mensheviki Internationalists.
The radical wing of the Mensheviki, internationalists
and opposed to all coalition with the propertied classes;
yet unwilling to break loose from the conservative
Mensheviki, and opposed to the dictatorship of the
working-class advocated by the Bolsheviki. Trotzky
was long a member of this group. Among their
leaders: Martov, Martinov.
c. Bolsheviki. Now call themselves
the Communist Party, in order to emphasise
their complete separation from the tradition of “moderate”
or “parliamentary” Socialism, which dominates
the Mensheviki and the so-called Majority Socialists
in all countries. The Bolsheviki proposed
immediate proletarian insurrection, and seizure of
the reins of Government, in order to hasten the coming
of Socialism by forcibly taking over industry, land,
natural resources and financial institutions.
This party expresses the desires chiefly of the factory
workers, but also of a large section of the poor peasants.
The name “Bolshevik” can not be
translated by “Maximalist.” The Maximalists
are a separate group. (See paragraph 5b). Among
the leaders: Lenin, Trotzky, Lunatcharsky.
d. United Social Democrats Internationalists.
Also called the Novaya Zhizn (New Life) group,
from the name of the very influential newspaper which
was its organ. A little group of intellectuals
with a very small following among the working-class,
except the personal following of Maxim Gorky, its leader.
Intellectuals, with almost the same programme as the
Mensheviki Internationalists, except that the
Novaya Zhizn group refused to be tied to either
of the two great factions. Opposed the Bolshevik
tactics, but remained in the Soviet Government.
Other representatives in this book: Avilov, Kramarov.
e. Yedinstvo. A very small
and dwindling group, composed almost entirely of the
personal following of Plekhanov, one of the pioneers
of the Russian Social Democratic movement in the 80’s,
and its greatest theoretician. Now an old man,
Plekhanov was extremely patriotic, too conservative
even for the Mensheviki. After the Bolshevik
coup d’etat, Yedinstvo disappeared.
5. Socialist Revolutionary party.
Called Essaires from the initials of their
name. Originally the revolutionary party of the
peasants, the party of the Fighting Organisations-the
Terrorists. After the March Revolution, it was
joined by many who had never been Socialists.
At that time it stood for the abolition of private
property in land only, the owners to be compensated
in some fashion. Finally the increasing revolutionary
feeling of peasants forced the Essaires to
abandon the “compensation” clause, and
led to the younger and more fiery intellectuals breaking
off from the main party in the fall of 1917 and forming
a new party, the Left Socialist Revolutionary party.
The Essaires, who were afterward always called
by the radical groups “Right Socialist Revolutionaries,”
adopted the political attitude of the Mensheviki, and
worked together with them. They finally came
to represent the wealthier peasants, the intellectuals,
and the politically uneducated populations of remote
rural districts. Among them there was, however,
a wider difference of shades of political and economic
opinion than among the Mensheviki. Among their
leaders mentioned in these pages: Avksentiev,
Gotz, Kerensky, Tchernov, “Babuschka”
Breshkovskaya.
a. Left Socialist Revolutionaries.
Although theoretically sharing the Bolshevik programme
of dictatorship of the working-class, at first were
reluctant to follow the ruthless Bolshevik tactics.
However, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries
remained in the Soviet Government, sharing the Cabinet
portfolios, especially that of Agriculture. They
withdrew from the Government several times, but always
returned. As the peasants left the ranks of the
Essaires in increasing numbers, they joined
the Left Socialist Revolutionary party, which
became the great peasant party supporting the Soviet
Government, standing for confiscation without compensation
of the great landed estates, and their disposition
by the peasants themselves. Among the leaders:
Spiridonova, Karelin, Kamkov, Kalagayev.
b. Maximalists. An off-shoot
of the Socialist Revolutionary party in the
Revolution of 1905, when it was a powerful peasant
movement, demanding the immediate application of the
maximum Socialist programme. Now an insignificant
group of peasant anarchists.
Parliamentary
Procedure
Russian meetings and conventions are
organised after the continental model rather than
our own. The first action is usually the election
of officers and the presidium.
The presidium is a presiding
committee, composed of representatives of the groups
and political factions represented in the assembly,
in proportion to their numbers. The presidium
arranges the Order of Business, and its members can
be called upon by the President to take the chair
pro tem.
Each question (vopros) is
stated in a general way and then debated, and at the
close of the debate resolutions are submitted by the
different factions, and each one voted on separately.
The Order of Business can be, and usually is, smashed
to pieces in the first half hour. On the plea
of “emergency,” which the crowd almost
always grants, anybody from the floor can get up and
say anything on any subject. The crowd controls
the meeting, practically the only functions of the
speaker being to keep order by ringing a little bell,
and to recognise speakers. Almost all the real
work of the session is done in caucuses of the different
groups and political factions, which almost always
cast their votes in a body and are represented by
floor-leaders. The result is, however, that at
every important new point, or vote, the session takes
a recess to enable the different groups and political
factions to hold a caucus.
The crowd is extremely noisy, cheering
or heckling speakers, over-riding the plans of the
presidium. Among the customary cries are:
“Prosim! Please! Go on!” “Pravilno!”
or “Eto vierno! That’s true! Right!”
“Do volno! Enough!” “Doloi! Down
with him!” “Posor! Shame!” and
“Teesche! Silence! Not so noisy!”
Popular Organisations
1. Soviet. The word soviet
means “council.” Under the Tsar the
Imperial Council of State was called Gosudarstvennyi
Soviet. Since the Revolution, however, the term
Soviet has come to be associated with a certain
type of parliament elected by members of working-class
economic organisations-the Soviet of Workers’,
of Soldiers’, or of Peasants’ Deputies.
I have therefore limited the word to these bodies,
and wherever else it occurs I have translated it “Council.”
Besides the local Soviets,
elected in every city, town and village of Russia-and
in large cities, also Ward (Raionny) Soviets-there
are also the oblastne or gubiernsky (district
or provincial) Soviets, and the Central Executive
Committee of the All-Russian Soviets in the
capital, called from its initials Tsay-ee-kah.
(See below, “Central Committees”).
Almost everywhere the Soviets
of Workers’ and of Soldiers’ Deputies
combined very soon after the March Revolution.
In special matters concerning their peculiar interests,
however, the Workers’ and the Soldiers’
Sections continued to meet separately. The Soviets
of Peasants’ Deputies did not join the other
two until after the Bolshevik coup d’etat.
They, too, were organised like the workers and soldiers,
with an Executive Committee of the All-Russian Peasants’
Soviets in the capital.
2. Trade Unions. Although
mostly industrial in form, the Russian labour unions
were still called Trade Unions, and at the time of
the Bolshevik Revolution had from three to four million
members. These Unions were also organised in
an All-Russian body, a sort of Russian Federation
of Labour, which had its Central Executive Committee
in the capital.
3. Factory-Shop Committees.
These were spontaneous organisations created in the
factories by the workers in their attempt to control
industry, taking advantage of the administrative break-down
incident upon the Revolution. Their function
was by revolutionary action to take over and run the
factories. The Factory-Shop Committees
also had their All-Russian organisation, with a Central
Committee at Petrograd, which co-operated with the
Trade Unions.
4. Dumas. The word duma
means roughly “deliberative body.”
The old Imperial Duma, which persisted six months
after the Revolution, in a democratised form, died
a natural death in September, 1917. The City
Duma referred to in this book was the reorganised
Municipal Council, often called “Municipal Self-Government.”
It was elected by direct and secret ballot, and its
only reason for failure to hold the masses during
the Bolshevik Revolution was the general decline in
influence of all purely political representation
in the fact of the growing power of organisations
based on economic groups.
5. Zemstvos. May be roughly
translated “county councils.” Under
the Tsar semi-political, semi-social bodies with very
little administrative power, developed and controlled
largely by intellectual Liberals among the land-owning
classes. Their most important function was education
and social service among the peasants. During
the war the Zemstvos gradually took over the
entire feeding and clothing of the Russian Army, as
well as the buying from foreign countries, and work
among the soldiers generally corresponding to the
work of the American Y. M. C. A. at the Front.
After the March Revolution the Zemstvos were
democratized, with a view to making them the organs
of local government in the rural districts. But
like the City Dumas, they could not compete
with the Soviets.
6. Cooperatives. These were
the workers’ and peasants’ Consumers’
Cooperative societies, which had several million members
all over Russia before the Revolution. Founded
by Liberals and “moderate” Socialists,
the Cooperative movement was not supported by the
revolutionary Socialist groups, because it was a substitute
for the complete transference of means of production
and distribution into the hands of the workers.
After the March Revolution the Cooperatives
spread rapidly, and were dominated by Populist Socialists,
Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries, and acted
as a conservative political force until the Bolshevik
Revolution. However, it was the Cooperatives
which fed Russia when the old structure of commerce
and transportation collapsed.
7. Army Committees. The Army
Committees were formed by the soldiers at the
front to combat the reactionary influence of the old
regime officers. Every company, regiment, brigade,
division and corps had its committee, over all of
which was elected the Army Committee. The Central
Army Committee cooperated with the General Staff.
The administrative break-down in the army incident
upon the Revolution threw upon the shoulders of the
Army Committees most of the work of the Quartermaster’s
Department, and in some cases, even the command of
troops.
8. Fleet Committees. The corresponding
organisations in the Navy.
Central Committees
In the spring and summer of 1917,
All-Russian conventions of every sort of organisation
were held at Petrograd. There were national congresses
of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’
Soviets, Trade Unions, Factory-Shop Committees, Army
and Fleet Committees-besides every branch of the military
and naval service, Cooperatives, Nationalities, etc.
Each of these conventions elected a Central Committee,
or a Central Executive Committee, to guard its particular
interests at the seat of Government. As the Provisional
Government grew weaker, these Central Committees were
forced to assume more and more administrative powers.
The most important Central Committees
mentioned in this book are:
Union of Unions. During the
Revolution of 1905, Professor Miliukov and other Liberals
established unions of professional men-doctors, lawyers,
physicians, etc. These were united under
one central organisation, the Union of Unions.
In 1905 the Union of Unions acted with the
revolutionary democracy; in 1917, however, the Union
of Unions opposed the Bolshevik uprising, and united
the Government employees who went on strike against
the authority of the Soviets.
Tsay-ee-kah. All-Russian
Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers’
and Soldiers’ Deputies. So called from the
initials of its name.
Tsentroflot. “Centre-Fleet”-the
Central Fleet Committee.
Vikzhel. All-Russian Central
Committee of the Railway Workers’ Union.
So called from the initials of its name.
Other Organisations
Red Guards. The armed factory
workers of Russia. The Red Guards were
first formed during the Revolution of 1905, and sprang
into existence again in the days of March, 1917, when
a force was needed to keep order in the city.
At that time they were armed, and all efforts of the
Provisional Government to disarm them were more or
less unsuccessful. At every great crisis in the
Revolution the Red Guards appeared on the streets,
untrained and undisciplined, but full of Revolutionary
zeal.
White Guards. Bourgeois volunteers,
who emerged in the last stages of the Revolution,
to defend private property from the Bolshevik attempt
to abolish it. A great many of them were University
students.
Tekhintsi. The so-called
“Savage Division” in the army, made up
of Mohametan tribesmen from Central Asia, and personally
devoted to General Kornilov. The Tekhintsi
were noted for their blind obedience and their savage
cruelty in warfare.
Death Battalions. Or Shock
Battalions. The Women’s Battalion is known
to the world as the Death Battalion, but there
were many Death Battalions composed of men.
These were formed in the summer of 1917 by Kerensky,
for the purpose of strengthening the discipline and
combative fire of the army by heroic example.
The Death Battalions were composed mostly of
intense young patriots. These came for the most
part from among the sons of the propertied classes.
Union of Officers. An organisation
formed among the reactionary officers in the army
to combat politically the growing power of the Army
Committees.
Knights of St. George. The
Cross of St. George was awarded for distinguished
action in battle. Its holder automatically became
a “Knight of St. George.” The predominant influence
in the organisation was that of the supporters of
the military idea.
Peasants’ Union. In
1905, the Peasants’ Union was a revolutionary
peasants’ organisation. In 1917, however,
it had become the political expression of the more
prosperous peasants, to fight the growing power and
revolutionary aims of the Soviets of Peasants’
Deputies.
Chronology
and Spelling
I have adopted in this book our Calendar
throughout, instead of the former Russian Calendar,
which was thirteen days earlier.
In the spelling of Russian names
and words, I have made no attempt to follow any scientific
rules for transliteration, but have tried to give
the spelling which would lead the English-speaking
reader to the simplest approximation of their pronunciation.
Sources
Much of the material in this book
is from my own notes. I have also relied, however,
upon a heterogeneous file of several hundred assorted
Russian newspapers, covering almost every day of the
time described, of files of the English paper, the
Russian Daily News, and of the two French papers,
Journal de Russie and Entente. But far
more valuable than these is the Bulletin de la Presse
issued daily by the French Information Bureau in Petrograd,
which reports all important happenings, speeches and
the comment of the Russian press. Of this I have
an almost complete file from the spring of 1917 to
the end of January, 1918.
Besides the foregoing, I have in
my possession almost every proclamation, decree and
announcement posted on the walls of Petrograd from
the middle of September, 1917, to the end of January,
1918. Also the official publication of all Government
decrees and orders, and the official Government publication
of the secret treaties and other documents discovered
in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs when the Bolsheviki
took it over.
Ten Days That Shook
The World