There are two things which of all
others most evidently occasion a revolution in an
oligarchy; one is, when the people are ill used, for
then every individual is ripe for [1305b] sedition;
more particularly if one of the oligarchy should happen
to be their leader; as Lygdamis, at Naxus, who was
afterwards tyrant of that island. Seditions also
which arise from different causes will differ from
each other; for sometimes a revolution is brought
about by the rich who have no share in the administration,
which is in the hands of a very few indeed: and
this happened at Massilia, Ister, Heraclea, and other
cities; for those who had no share in the government
ceased not to raise disputes till they were admitted
to it: first the elder brothers, and then the
younger also: for in some places the father and
son are never in office at the same time; in others
the elder and younger brother: and where this
is observed the oligarchy partakes something of a free
state. At Ister it was changed into a democracy;
in Heraclea, instead of being in the hands of a few,
it consisted of six hundred. At Cnidus the oligarchy
was destroyed by the nobles quarrelling with each other,
because the government was in the hands of so few:
for there, as we have just mentioned, if the father
was in office, the son could not; or, if there were
many brothers, the eldest only; for the people, taking
advantage of their disputes, elected one of the nobles
for their general, and got the victory: for where
there are seditions government is weak. And formerly
at Erithria, during the oligarchy of the Basilides,
although the state flourished greatly under their
excellent management, yet because the people were displeased
that the power should be in the hands of so few, they
changed the government. Oligarchies also are
subject to revolutions, from those who are in office
therein, from the quarrels of the demagogues with each
other. The demagogues are of two sorts; one who
flatter the few when they are in power: for even
these have their demagogues; such was Charicles at
Athens, who had great influence over the thirty; and,
in the same manner, Phrynichus over the four hundred.
The others are those demagogues who have a share in
the oligarchy, and flatter the people: such were
the state-guardians at Larissa, who flattered the people
because they were elected by them. And this will
always happen in every oligarchy where the magistrates
do not elect themselves, but are chosen out of men
either of great fortune or certain ranks, by the soldiers
or by the people; as was the custom at Abydos.
And when the judicial department is not in the hands
of the supreme power, the demagogues, favouring the
people in their causes, overturn the government; which
happened at Heraclea in Pontus: and also when
some desire to contract the power of the oligarchy
into fewer hands; for those who endeavour to support
an equality are obliged to apply to the people for
assistance. An oligarchy is also subject to revolutions
when the nobility spend their fortunes by luxury; for
such persons are desirous of innovations, and either
endeavour to be tyrants themselves or to support others
in being so, as [1306a] Hypparinus supported Dionysius
of Syracuse. And at Amphipolis one Cleotimus collected
a colony of Chal-cidians, and when they came set them
to quarrel with the rich: and at AEgina a certain
person who brought an action against Chares attempted
on that account to alter the government. Sometimes
they will try to raise commotions, sometimes they will
rob the public, and then quarrel with each other,
or else fight with those who endeavour to detect them;
which was the case at Apollonia in Pontus. But
if the members of an oligarchy agree among themselves
the state is not very easily destroyed without some
external force. Pharsalus is a proof of this,
where, though the place is small, yet the citizens
have great power, from the prudent use they make of
it. An oligarchy also will be destroyed when
they create another oligarchy under it; that is, when
the management of public affairs is in the hands of
a few, and not equally, but when all of them do not
partake of the supreme power, as happened once at
Elis, where the supreme power in general was in the
hands of a very few out of whom a senate was chosen,
consisting but of ninety’ who held their places
for life; and their mode of election was calculated
to preserve the power amongst each other’s families,
like the senators at Lacedaemon. An oligarchy
is liable to a revolution both in time of war and
peace; in war, because through a distrust in the citizens
the government is obliged to employ mercenary troops,
and he to whom they give the command of the army will
very often assume the tyranny, as Timophanes did at
Corinth; and if they appoint more than one general,
they will very probably establish a dynasty:
and sometimes, through fear of this, they are forced
to let the people in general have some share in the
government, because they are obliged to employ them.
In peace, from their want of confidence in each other,
they will entrust the guardianship of the state to
mercenaries and their general, who will be an arbiter
between them, and sometimes become master of both,
which happened at Larissa, when Simos and the Aleuadae
had the chief power. The same thing happened
at Abydos, during the time of the political clubs,
of which Iphiades’ was one. Commotions
also will happen in an oligarchy from one party’s
overbearing and insulting another, or from their quarrelling
about their law-suits or marriages. How their
marriages, for instance, will have that effect has
been already shown: and in Eretria, Diagoras
destroyed the oligarchy of the knights upon the same
account. A sedition also arose at Heraclea, from
a certain person being condemned by the court; and
at Thebes, in consequence of a man’s being guilty
of adultery; [1306b] the punishment indeed which Eurytion
suffered at Heraclea was just, yet it was illegally
executed: as was that at Thebes upon Archias;
for their enemies endeavoured to have them publicly
bound in the pillory. Many revolutions also have
been brought about in oligarchies by those who could
not brook the despotism which those persons assumed
who were in power, as at Cnidus and Chios. Changes
also may happen by accident in what we call a free
state and in an oligarchy; wheresoever the senators,
judges, and magistrates are chosen according to a
certain census; for it often happens that the highest
census is fixed at first; so that a few only could
have a share in the government, in an oligarchy, or
in a free state those of moderate fortunes only; when
the city grows rich, through peace or some other happy
cause, it becomes so little that every one’s
fortune is equal to the census, so that the whole
community may partake of all the honours of government;
and this change sometimes happens by little and little,
and insensible approaches, sometimes quicker.
These are the revolutions and seditions that arise
in oligarchies, and the causes to which they are owing:
and indeed both democracies and oligarchies sometimes
alter, not into governments of a contrary form, but
into those of the same government; as, for instance,
from having the supreme power in the law to vest it
in the ruling party, or the contrariwise.