There are also some other forms of
government, which have been proposed either by private
persons, or philosophers, or politicians, all of which
come much nearer to those which have been really established,
or now exist, than these two of Plato’s; for
neither have they introduced the innovation of a community
of wives and children, and public tables for the women,
but have been contented to set out with establishing
such rules as are absolutely necessary.
There are some persons who think,
that the first object of government should be to regulate
well everything relating to private property; for
they say, that a neglect herein is the source of all
seditions whatsoever. For this reason, Phaleas
the Chalcedonian first proposed, that the fortunes
of the citizens should be equal, which he thought
was not difficult to accomplish when a community was
first settled, but that it was a work of greater difficulty
in one that had been long established; but yet that
it might be effected, and an equality of circumstances
introduced by these means, that the rich should give
marriage portions, but never receive any, while the
poor should always receive, but never give.
But Plato, in his treatise of Laws,
thinks that a difference in circumstances should be
permitted to a certain degree; but that no citizen
should be allowed to possess more than five times as
much as the lowest census, as we have already mentioned.
But legislators who would establish this principle
are apt to overlook what they ought to consider; that
while they regulate the quantity of provisions which
each individual shall possess, they ought also to regulate
the number of his children; for if these exceed the
allotted quantity of provision, the law must necessarily
be repealed; and yet, in spite of the repeal, it will
have the bad effect of reducing many from wealth to
poverty, so difficult is it for innovators not to fall
into such mistakes. That an equality of goods
was in some degree serviceable to strengthen the bands
of society, seems to have been known to some of the
ancients; for Solon made a law, as did some others
also, to restrain persons from possessing as much
land as they pleased. And upon the same principle
there are laws which forbid men to sell their property,
as among the Locrians, unless they can prove that some
notorious misfortuue has befallen them. They were
also to preserve their ancient patrimony, which custom
being broken through by the Leucadians, made their
government too democratic; for by that means it was
no longer necessary to be possessed of a certain fortune
to be qualified to be a magistrate. But if an
equality of goods is established, this may be either
too much, when it enables the people to live luxuriously,
or too little, when it obliges them to live hard.
Hence it is evident, that it is not proper for the
legislator to establish an equality of circumstances,
but to fix a proper medium. Besides, if any one
should regulate the division of property in such a
manner that there should be a moderate sufficiency
for all, it would be of no use; for it is of more
consequence that the citizen should entertain a similarity
of sentiments than an equality of circumstances; but
this can never be attained unless they are properly
educated under the direction of the law. But probably
Phaleas may say, that this in what he himself mentions;
for he both proposes a equality of property and one
plan of education in his city. But he should have
said particularly what education he intended, nor is
it of any service to have this to much one; for this
education may be one, and yet such as will make the
citizens over-greedy, to grasp after honours, or riches,
or both. Besides, not only an in equality of
possessions, but also of honours, will occasion [1267a]
seditions, but this upon contrary grounds; for the
vulgar will be seditious if there be an inequality
of goods, by those of more elevated sentiments, if
there is an equality of honours.
“When good and bad do equal honours
share.”
For men are not guilty of crimes for
necessaries only (for which he thinks an equality
of goods would be a sufficient remedy, as they would
then have no occasion to steal cold or hunger), but
that they may enjoy what the desire, and not wish
for it in vain; for if their desire extend beyond
the common necessaries of life, they were be wicked
to gratify them; and not only so, but if their wishes
point that way, they will do the same to enjoy those
pleasures which are free from the alloy of pain.
What remedy then shall we find for these three disorder;
and first, to prevent stealing from necessity, let
every one be supplied with a moderate subsistence,
which may make the addition of his own industry necessary;
second to prevent stealing to procure the luxuries
of life, temperance be enjoined; and thirdly, let
those who wish for pleasure in itself seek for it only
in philosophy, all others want the assistance of men.
Since then men are guilty of the greatest
crimes from ambition, and not from necessity, no one,
for instance aims at being a tyrant to keep him from
the cold, hence great honour is due to him who kills
not a thief, but tyrant; so that polity which Phaleas
establishes would only be salutary to prevent little
crimes. He has also been very desirous to establish
such rules as will conduce to perfect the internal
policy of his state, and he ought also to have done
the same with respect to its neighbours and all foreign
nations; for the considerations of the military establishment
should take place in planning every government, that
it may not be unprovided in case of a war, of which
he has said nothing; so also with respect to property,
it ought not only to be adapted to the exigencies of
the state, but also to such dangers as may arise from
without.
Thus it should not be so much as to
tempt those who are near, and more powerful to invade
it, while those who possess it are not able to drive
out the invaders, nor so little as that the state should
not be able to go to war with those who are quite
equal to itself, and of this he has determined nothing;
it must indeed be allowed that it is advantageous
to a community to be rather rich than poor; probably
the proper boundary is this, not to possess enough
to make it worth while for a more powerful neighbour
to attack you, any more than he would those who had
not so much as yourself; thus when Autophradatus
proposed to besiege Atarneus, Eubulus advised him to
consider what time it would require to take the city,
and then would have him determine whether it would
answer, for that he should choose, if it would even
take less than he proposed, to quit the place; his
saying this made Autophradatus reflect upon the business
and give over the siege. There is, indeed, some
advantage in an equality of goods amongst the citizens
to prevent seditions; and yet, to say truth, no very
great one; for men of great abilities will stomach
their being put upon a level with the rest of the
community. For which reason they will very
often appear ready for every commation and sedition;
for the wickedness of mankind is insatiable.
For though at first two oboli might be sufficient,
yet when once it is become customary, they continually
want something more, until they set no limits to their
expectations; for it is the nature of our desires
to be boundless, and many live only to gratify them.
But for this purpose the first object is, not so much
to establish an equality of fortune, as to prevent
those who are of a good disposition from desiring more
than their own, and those who are of a bad one from
being able to acquire it; and this may be done if
they are kept in an inferior station, and not exposed
to injustice. Nor has he treated well the equality
of goods, for he has extended his regulation only to
land; whereas a man’s substance consists not
only in this, but also in slaves, cattle, money, and
all that variety of things which fall under the name
of chattels; now there must be either an equality established
in all these, or some certain rule, or they must be
left entirely at large. It appears too by his
laws, that he intends to establish only a small state,
as all the artificers are to belong to the public,
and add nothing to the complement of citizens; but
if all those who are to be employed in public works
are to be the slaves of the public, it should be done
in the same manner as it is at Epidamnum, and as Diophantus
formerly regulated it at Athens. From these particulars
any one may nearly judge whether Phaleas’s community
is well or ill established.