On the Effect of Taxes and of Legal
Restrictions upon Manufactures
414. As soon as a tax is put
upon any article, the ingenuity of those who make,
and of those who use it, is directed to the means
of evading as large a part of the tax as they can;
and this may often be accomplished in ways which are
perfectly fair and legal. An excise duty exists
at present of 3d.(1) per pound upon all writing paper.
The effect of this impost is, that much of the paper
which is employed, is made extremely thin, in order
that the weight of a given number of sheets may be
as small as possible. Soon after the first imposition
of the tax upon windows, which depended upon their
number, and not upon their size, new-built houses
began to have fewer windows and those of larger dimensions
than before. Staircases were lighted by extremely
long windows, illuminating three or four flights of
stairs. When the tax was increased, and the size
of windows charged as single was limited, then still
greater care was taken to have as few windows as possible,
and internal lights became frequent. These internal
lights in their turn became the subject of taxation;
but it was easy to evade the discovery of them, and
in the last Act of Parliament reducing the assessed
taxes, they ceased to be chargeable. From the
changes thus successively introduced in the number
the forms, and the positions of the windows, a tolerable
conjecture might, in some instances, be formed of
the age of a house.
415. A tax on windows is exposed
to objection on the double ground of its excluding
air and light, and it is on both accounts injurious
to health. The importance of light to the enjoyment
of health is not perhaps sufficiently appreciated:
in the cold and more variable climates, it is of still
greater importance than in warmer countries.
416. The effects of regulations
of excise upon our home manufactures are often productive
of great inconvenience; and check, materially, the
natural progress of improvement. It is frequently
necessary, for the purposes of revenue, to oblige
manufacturers to take out a license, and to compel
them to work according to certain rules, and to make
certain stated quantities at each operation.
When these quantities are large, as in general they
are, they deter manufacturers from making experiments,
and thus impede improvements both in the mode of conducting
the processes and in the introduction of new materials.
Difficulties of this nature have occurred in experimenting
upon glass for optical purposes; but in this case,
permission has been obtained by fit persons to make
experiments, without the interference of the excise.
It ought, however, to be remembered, that such permission,
if frequently or indiscriminately granted, might be
abused: the greatest protection against such an
abuse will be found, in bringing the force of public
opinion to bear upon scientific men and thus enabling
the proper authorities, although themselves but moderately
conversant with science, to judge of the propriety
of the permission, from the public character of the
applicant.
417. From the evidence given,
in 1808, before the Committee of the House of Commons,
On Distillation from Sugar and Molasses, it appeared
that, by a different mode of working from that prescribed
by the Excise, the spirits from a given weight of
corn, which then produced eighteen gallons, might easily
have been increased to twenty gallons. Nothing
more is required for this purpose, than to make what
is called the wash weaker, the consequence of which
is, that fermentation goes on to a greater extent.
It was stated, however, that such a deviation would
render the collection of the duty liable to great difficulties;
and that it would not benefit the distiller much, since
his price was enhanced to the customer by any increase
of expense in the fabrication. Here then is a
case in which a quantity, amounting to one-ninth of
the total produce, is actually lost to the country.
A similar effect arises in the coal trade, from the
effect of a duty, for, according to the evidence before
the House of Commons, it appears that a considerable
quantity of the very best coal is actually wasted.
The extent of this waste is very various in different
mines; but in some cases it amounts to one-third.
418. The effects of duties upon
the import of foreign manufactures are equally curious.
A singular instance occurred in the United States,
where bar-iron was, on its introduction. liable to
a duty of 140 per cent ad valorem, whilst hardware
was charged at 25 per cent only. In consequence
of this tax, large quantities of malleable iron rails
for railroads were imported into America under the
denomination of hardware; the difference of 115 per
cent in duty more than counter balancing the expense
of fashioning the iron into rails prior to its importation.
419. Duties, drawbacks, and bounties,
when considerable in amount, are all liable to objections
of a very serious nature, from the frauds to which
they give rise. It has been stated before Committees
of the House of Commons, that calicoes made up in
the form, and with the appearance of linen, have frequently
been exported for the purpose of obtaining the bounty,
for calico made up in this way sells only at 1s. 4d.
per yard, whereas linen of equal fineness is worth
from 2s. 8d. to 2s. 10d. per yard. It appeared
from the evidence, that one house in six months sold
five hundred such pieces of calico.
In almost all cases heavy duties,
or prohibitions, are ineffective as well as injurious;
for unless the articles excluded are of very large
dimensions, there constantly arises a price at which
they will be clandestinely imported by the smuggler.
The extent, therefore, to which smuggling can be carried,
should always be considered in the imposition of new
duties, or in the alteration of old ones. Unfortunately
it has been pushed so far, and is so systematically
conducted between this country and France, that the
price per cent at which most contraband articles can
be procured is perfectly well known. From the
evidence of Mr Galloway, it appears that, from 30 to
40 per cent was the rate of insurance on exporting
prohibited machinery from England, and that the larger
the quantity the less was the percentage demanded.
From evidence given in the Report of the Watch and
Clock-makers’ Committee, in 1817, it appears
that persons were constantly in the habit of receiving
in France watches, lace, silks, and other articles
of value easily portable, and delivering them in England
at ten per cent on their estimated worth, in which
sum the cost of transport and the risk of smuggling
were included.
420. The process employed in
manufacturing often depends upon the mode in which
a tax is levied on the materials, or on the article
produced. W atch glasses are made in England by
workmen who purchase from the glass house globes of
five or six inches in diameter, out of which, by means
of a piece of red-hot tobacco pipe, guided round a
pattern watch glass placed on the globe, they crack
five others: these are afterwards ground and smoothed
on the edges. In the Tyrol the rough watch glasses
are supplied at once from the glass house; the workman,
applying a thick ring of cold glass to each globe
as soon as it is blown, causes a piece, of the size
of a watch glass, to be cracked out. The remaining
portion of the globe is immediately broken, and returns
to the melting pot. This process could not be
adopted in England with the same economy, because
the whole of the glass taken out of the pot is subject
to the excise duty.
421. The objections thus stated
as incidental to particular modes of taxation are
not raised with a view to the removal of those particular
taxes; their fitness or unfitness must be decided
by a much wider enquiry, into which it is not the object
of this volume to enter. Taxes are essential for
the security both of liberty and property, and the
evils which have been mentioned may be the least amongst
those which might have been chosen. It is, however,
important that the various effects of every tax should
be studied, and that those should be adopted which,
upon the whole, are found to give the least check to
the productive industry of the country.
422. In enquiring into the effect
produced, or to be apprehended from any particular
mode of taxation, it is necessary to examine a little
into the interests of the parties who approve of the
plan in question, as well as of those who object to
it. Instances have occurred where the persons
paying a tax into the hands of government have themselves
been adverse to any reduction. This happened
in the case of one class of calico-printers, whose
interest really was injured by a removal of the tax
on the printing: they received from the manufacturers,
payment for the duty, about two months before they
were themselves called on to pay it to government;
and the consequence was, that a considerable capital
always remained in their hands. The evidence
which states this circumstance is well calculated to
promote a reasonable circumspection in such enquiries.
Question. Do you happen to know
anything of an opposition from calicoprinters to the
repeal of the tax on printed calicoes?
Answer. I have certainly heard
of such an opposition, and am not surprised at it.
There are very few individuals who are, in fact, interested
in the nonrepeal of the tax; there are two classes
of calico-printers; one, who print their own cloth,
send their goods into the market, and sell them on
their own account; they frequently advance the duty
to government, and pay it in cash before their goods
are sold, but generally before the goods are paid
for, being most commonly sold on a credit of six months:
they are of course interested on that account, as well
as on others that have been stated, in the repeal
of the tax. The other class of calico-printers
print the cloth of other people; they print for hire,
and on re-delivery of the cloth when printed, they
receive the amount of the duty, which they are not
called upon to pay to government sooner, on an average,
than nine weeks from the stamping of the goods.
Where the business is carried on upon a large scale,
the arrears of duty due to government often amount
to eight, or even ten thousand pounds, and furnish
a capital with which these gentlemen carry on their
business; it is not, therefore, to be wondered at
that they should be opposed to the prayer of our petition.
423. The policy of giving bounties
upon home productions, and of enforcing restrictions
against those which can be produced more cheaply in
other countries, is of a very questionable nature:
and, except for the purpose of introducing a new manufacture,
in a country where there is not much commercial or
manufacturing spirit, is scarcely to be defended.
All incidental modes of taxing one class of the community,
the consumers, to an unknown extent, for the sake
of supporting another class, the manufacturers, who
would otherwise abandon that mode of employing their
capital, are highly objectionable. One part of
the price of any article produced under such circumstances,
consists of the expenditure, together with the ordinary
profits of capital: the other part of its price
may be looked upon as charity, given to induce the
manufacturer to continue an unprofitable use of his
capital, in order to give employment to his workmen.
If the sum of what the consumers are thus forced to
pay, merely on account of these artificial restrictions,
where generally known, its amount would astonish even
those who advocate them; and it would be evident to
both parties, that the employment of capital in those
branches of trade ought to be abandoned.
424. The restriction of articles
produced in a manufactory to certain sizes, is attended
with some good effect in an economical view, arising
chiefly from the smaller number of different tools
required in making them, as well as from less frequent
change in the adjustment of those tools. A similar
source of economy is employed in the Navy: by
having ships divided into a certain number of classes,
each of which comprises vessels of the same dimensions,
the rigging made for one vessel will fit any other
of its class; a circumstance which renders the supply
of distant stations more easy.
425. The effects of the removal
of a monopoly are often very important, and they were
perhaps never more remarkable than in the bobbin net
trade, in the years 1824 and 1825. These effects
were, however, considerably enhanced by the general
rage for speculation which was so prevalent during
that singular period. One of the patents of Mr
Heathcote for a bobbin net machine had just then expired,
whilst another, for an improvement in a particular
part of such machines, called a turn again, had yet
a few years to run. Many licenses had been granted
to use the former patent, which were charged at the
rate of about five pounds per annum for each quarter
of a yard in width, so that what is termed a six-quarter
frame (which makes bobbin net a yard and a half wide)
paid thirty pounds a year. The second patent was
ultimately abandoned in August, 1823, infringements
of it having taken place.
It was not surprising that, on the
removal of the monopoly arising from this patent,
a multitude of persons became desirous of embarking
in a trade which had hitherto yielded a very large
profit. The bobbin net machine occupies little
space; and is, from that circumstance, well adapted
for a domestic manufacture. The machines which
already existed, were principally in the hands of
the manufacturers; but, a kind of mania for obtaining
them seized on persons of all descriptions, who could
raise a small capital; and, under its influence, butchers,
bakers, small farmers, publicans, gentlemen’s
servants, and, in some cases, even clergymen, became
anxious to possess bobbin net machines.
Some few machines were rented; but,
in most of these cases, the workman purchased the
machine he employed, by instalments of from L3 to
L6 weekly, for a six quarter machine; and many individuals,
unacquainted with the mode of using the machines so
purchased, paid others of more experience for instructing
them in their use; L50 or L60 being sometimes given
for this instruction. The success of the first
speculators induced others to follow the example;
and the machine-makers were almost overwhelmed with
orders for lace frames. Such was the desire to
procure them, that many persons deposited a large
part, or the whole, of the price, in the hands of
the frame-makers, in order to insure their having
the earliest supply. This, as might naturally
be expected, raised the price of wages amongst the
workmen employed in machine-making; and the effect
was felt at a considerable distance from Nottingham,
which was the centre of this mania. Smiths not
used to flat filing, coming from distant parts, earned
from 30s. to 42s. per week. Finishing smiths,
accustomed to the work, gained from L3 to L4 per week..The
forging smith, if accustomed to his work, gained from
L5 to L6 per week, and some few earned L10 per week.
In making what are technically called insides, those
who were best paid, were generally clock- and watchmakers,
from all the districts round, who received from L3
to L4 per week. The setters-up—persons
who put the parts of the machine together—charged
L20 for their assistance; and, a six quarter machine,
could be put together in a fortnight or three weeks.
426. Good workmen, being thus
induced to desert less profitable branches of their
business, in order to supply this extraordinary demand,
the masters, in other trades, soon found their men
leaving them, without being aware of the immediate
reason: some of the more intelligent, however,
ascertained the cause. They went from Birmingham
to Nottingham, in order to examine into the circumstances
which had seduced almost all the journeymen clockmakers
from their own workshops; and it was soon apparent,
that the men who had been working as clockmakers in
Birmingham, at the rate of 25s. a week, could earn
L2 by working at lace frame-making in Nottingham.
On examining the nature of this profitable
work, the master clockmakers perceived that one part
of the bobbin net machines, that which held the bobbins,
could easily be made in their own workshops.
They therefore contracted with the machine-makers,
who had already more work ordered than they could
execute, to supply the bobbin carriers, at a price
which enabled them, on their return home, to give
such increased wages as were sufficient to retain
their own workmen, as well as yield themselves a good
profit. Thus an additional facility was afforded
for the construction of these bobbin net machines:
and the conclusion was not difficult to be foreseen.
The immense supply of bobbin net thus poured into
the market, speedily reduced its price; this reduction
in price, rendered the machines by which the net was
made, less valuable; some few of the earliest producers,
for a short time, carried on a profitable trade; but
multitudes were disappointed, and many ruined.
The low price at which the fabric sold, together with
its lightness and beauty, combined to extend the sale;
and ultimately, new improvements in the machines,
rendered the older ones still less valuable.
427. The bobbin net trade is,
at present, both extensive and increasing; and, as
it may, probably, claim a larger portion of public
attention at some future time, it will be interesting
to describe briefly its actual state.
A lace frame on the most improved
principle, at the present day, manufacturing a piece
of net two yards wide, when worked night and day,
will produce six hundred and twenty racks per week.
A rack is two hundred and forty holes; and as in the
machine to which we refer, three racks are equal in
length to one yard, it will produce 21,493 square
yards of bobbin net annually. Three men keep
this machine constantly working; and, they were paid
(by piece-work) about 25s. each per week, in 1830.
Two boys, working only in the day-time, can prepare
the bobbins for this machine, and are paid from 2s.
to 4s. per week, according to their skill. Forty-six
square yards of this net weigh two pounds three ounces;
so that each square yard weighs a little more than
three-quarters of an ounce.
428. For a condensed and general
view of the present state of this trade, we shall
avail ourselves of a statement by Mr William Felkin,
of Nottingham, dated September, 1831, and entitled
Facts and Calculations illustrative of the Present
State of the Bobbin Net Trade. It appears to
have been collected with care, and contains, in a
single sheet of paper, a body of facts of the greatest
importance. *
429. The total capital employed
in the factories, for preparing the cotton, in those
for weaving the bobbin net, and in various processes
to which it is subject, is estimated at above L2,000,000,
and the number of persons who receive wages, at above
two hundred thousand.
Comparison of the value of the raw
material imported, with the value of the goods manufactured
therefrom
Amount of Sea Island cotton annually
used 1,600,000 lbs., value L120,000; this is manufactured
into yarn, weighing 1,000,000 lbs., value L500,000.
There is also used 25,000 lbs. of
raw silk, which costs L30,000, and is doubled into
10,000 lbs. thrown, worth L40,000.
Raw Material; Manufacture; Square
yards produced; Value per sq. yd.(s. d.); Total value
(L)
Cotton 1,600,000; lbs; Power Net; 6,750,000; 1 3;
421,875
Hand
ditto; 15,750,000; 1 9; 1,378,125
Fancy
ditto; 150,000; 3 6; 26,250
Silk, 25,000 lbs; Silk Goods; 750,000; 1 9; 65,625
23,400,000;
1,891,875
I cannot omit the opportunity of
expressing my hope that this example will be followed
in other trades. We should thus obtain a body
ofinformation equally important to the workman, the
capitalist, the philosopher, and the statesman.
The brown nets which are sold in the
Nottingham market are in part disposed of by the agents
of twelve or fifteen of the larger makers, i.e.
to the amount of about L250,000 a year. The principal
part of the remainder, i.e. about L1,050,000 a
year, is sold by about two hundred agents, who take
the goods from one warehouse to another for sale.
Of this production, about half is
exported in the unembroidered state. The exports
of bobbin net are in great part to Hamburgh, for sale
at home and at Leipzic and Frankfort fairs. Antwerp,
and the rest of Belgium; to France, by contraband;
to Italy, and North and South America. Though
a very suitable article, yet the quantity sent eastward
of the Cape of Good Hope, has hitherto been too trifling
for notice. Three-eighths of the whole production
are sold unembroidered at home. The remaining
one-eighth is embroidered in this country, and increases
the ultimate value as under, viz.
Embroidery Increases value Ultimate worth
L L
On power net 131,840 553,715
On hand net 1,205,860 2,583.985
On fancy net 78,750 105,000
On silk net 109,375 175,000
Total embroidery, wages and profits 1,525,825
Ultimate total value 3,417,700
From this it appears, that in the
operations of this trade, which had no existence twenty
years ago, L120,000 original cost of cotton becomes,
when manufactured, of the ultimate value of L3,242,700
sterling.
As to weekly wages paid, I hazard
the following as the judgement of those conversant
with the respective branches, viz.
In fine spinning and doubling, adults
25s.; children 7s.: work twelve hours per day.
In bobbin net making; men working
machines, 18s.; apprentices, youths of fifteen or
more, 10s.; by power, fifteen hours; by hand, eight
to twelve hours, according to width.
In mending; children 4s.; women 8s.;
work nine to fourteen hours ad libitum.
In winding, threading, etc.,
children and young women, 5s.: irregular work,
according to the progress of machines.
In embroidery; children seven years
old and upwards, 1s. to 3s.; work ten to twelve hours;
women, if regularly at work, 5s. to 7s. 6d.; twelve
to fourteen hours.
As an example of the effect of the
wages of lace embroidery, etc., it may be observed,
it is often the case that a stocking weaver in a country
village will earn only 7s. a week, and his wife and
children 7s. to 14s. more at the embroidery frame.
430. The principal part of the
hand-machines employed in the bobbin net manufacture
are worked in shops, forming part of, or attached
to, private houses. The subjoined list will show
the kinds of machinery employed, and classes of persons
to whom it belongs.
Bobbin net machinery now at work in
the Kingdom
Hand levers 6 quarter 500 Hand
circulars 6 quarter 100
7 quarter 200 7 quarter
300
8 quarter 300 8 quarter
400
10 quarter 300 9 quarter
100
12 quarter 30 10 quarter
300
16 quarter 20 12 quarter
100
20 quarter 1 Hand transverse, pusher,
Hand rotary 10 quarter 50 straight bolt, etc.
averaging 5 quarters 750
12 quarter 50
2050
1451
Total hand machines 3501
Power 6 quarter 100
7 quarter 40
8 quarter 350
10 quarter 270
12 quarter 220
16 quarter 20
Total power machines 1000
Total number of machines 4501
700 persons own 1 machine, 700 machines.
226 2 452
181 3 543
96 4 384
40 5 200
21 6 126
17 7 119
19 8 152
17 9 153
12 10 120
8 11 88
6 12 72
5 13 65
5 14 70
4 16 64
25 own respectively 18,
19, 20, 21,
23, 24, 25,
26, 27, 28,
29, 30, 32,
33, 35, 36,
37, 50, 60,
68, 70, 75,
95, 105, 206
1192
Number of owners of machines—1382
Holding together 4500 machines.
The hand workmen consist of the above-named owners
1000
And of journeymen and apprentices 4000
5000
These machines are distributed as follows
Nottingham 1240
New Radford 140
Old Radford and Bloomsgrove 240
Ison Green 160
Beeston and Chilwell 130
New and Old Snenton 180
Derby and its vicinity 185
Loughborough and its vicinity 385
Leicester 95
Mansfield 85
Tiverton 220
Barnstable l80
Chard 190
Isle of Wight 80
In sundry other places 990
4500
Of the above owners, one thousand
work in their own machines, and enter into the class
of journeymen as well as that of masters in operating
on the rate of wages. If they reduce the price
of their goods in the market, they reduce their own
wages first; and, of course, eventually the rate of
wages throughout the trade. It is a very lamentable
fact, that one-half, or more, of the one thousand
one hundred persons specified in the list as owning
one, two, and three machines, have been compelled to
mortgage their machines for more than their worth in
the market, and are in many cases totally insolvent.
Their machines are principally narrow and making short
pieces, while the absurd system of bleaching at so
much a piece goods of all lengths and widths, and
dressing at so much all widths, has caused the new
machines to be all wide, and capable of producing long
pieces; of course to the serious disadvantage, if
not utter ruin, of the small owner of narrow machines.
It has been observed above, that wages
have been reduced, say 25 per cent in the last two
years, or from 24s. to 18s. a week. Machines
have increased in the same time one-eighth in number,
or from four thousand to four thousand five hundred,
and one-sixth in capacity of production. It is
deserving the serious notice of all proprietors of
existing machines, that machines are now introducing
into the trade of such power of production as must
still more than ever depreciate (in the absence of
an immensely increased demand) the value of their
property.
431. From this abstract, we may
form some judgement of the importance of the bobbin
net trade. But the extent to which it bids fair
to be carried in future, when the eastern markets shall
be more open to our industry, may be conjectured from
the fact which Mr Felkin subsequently states that
’We can export a durable and elegant article
in cotton bobbin net, at 4d. per square yard, proper
for certain useful and ornamental purposes, as curtains,
etc.; and another article used for many purposes
in female dress at 6d. the square yard.’
432. Of patents. In order
to encourage the invention, the improvement, or the
importation of machines, and of discoveries relating
to manufactures, it has been the practice in many
countries, to grant to the inventors or first introducers,
an exclusive privilege for a term of years. Such
monopolies are termed patents; and they are granted,
on the payment of certain fees, for different periods,
from five to twenty years.
The following table, compiled from
the Report of the Committee of the House of Commons
on Patents, 1829, shows the expense and duration of
patents in various countries:
Countries; Expense (L s. d.); Term
of years; Number granted in six years, ending in 1826.(Rep.
p. 243.)
England; 120 0 0; 14; 914
Ireland; 125 0 0; 14;
Scotland; 100 0 0; 14;
America; 6 15 0; 14;
France; 12 0 0; 5;
32
0 0; 10;
60
0 0; 15; 1091
Netherlands; L6 to L30; 5, 10. 15
Austria; 42 10 0; 15; 1099
Spain(3) Inventor; 20 9 4; 15;
Improver;
12 5 7; 10;
Importer;
10 4 8; 6;
433. It is clearly of importance
to preserve to each inventor the sole use of his invention,
until he shall have been amply repaid for the risk
and expense to which he has been exposed, as well
as for the talent he has exerted in completing it.
But, the degrees of merit are so various, and the
difficulties of legislating upon the subject so great,
that it has been found almost impossible to frame
a law which shall not, practically, be open to the
most serious objections.
The difficulty of defending an English
patent in any judicial trial, is very great; and the
number of instances on record in which the defence
has succeeded, are comparatively few. This circumstance
has induced some manufacturers, no longer to regard
a patent as a privilege by which a monopoly price may
be secured: but they sell the patent article
at such a price, as will merely produce the ordinary
profits of capital; and thus secure to themselves
the fabrication of it, because no competitors can
derive a profit from invading a patent so exercised.
434. The law of copyright, is,
in some measure, allied to that of patents; and it
is curious to observe, that those species of property
which require the highest talent, and the greatest
cultivation—which are, more than any other,
the pure creations of mind—should have
been the latest to be recognized by the State.
Fortunately, the means of deciding on an infringement
of property in regard to a literary production, are
not verv difficult; but the present laws are, in some
cases, productive of considerable hardship, as well
as of impediment to the advancement of knowledge.
435. Whilst discussing the general
expediency of limitations and restrictions, it may
be desirable to point out one which seems to promise
advantage, though by no means free from grave objections.
The question of permitting by law, the existence of
partnerships in which the responsibility of one or
more of the partners is limited in amount, is peculiarly
important in a manufacturing, as well as a commercial
point of view. In the former light, it appears
calculated to aid that division of labour, which we
have already proved to be as advantageous in mental
as it is in bodily operations; and it might possibly
give rise to a more advantageous distribution of talent,
and its combinations, than at present exists.
There are in this country, many persons possessed
of moderate capital, who do not themselves enjoy the
power of invention in the mechanical and chemical
arts, but who are tolerable judges of such inventions,
and excellent judges of human character. Such
persons might, with great success, employ themselves
in finding out inventive workmen, whose want of capital
prevents them from realizing their projects.
If they could enter into a limited partnership with
persons so circumstanced, they might restrain within
proper bounds the imagination of the inventor, and
by supplying capital to judicious schemes, render
a service to the country, and secure a profit for
themselves.
436. Amongst the restrictions
intended for the general benefit of our manufacturers,
there existed a few years ago one by which workmen
were forbidden to go out of the country. A law
so completely at variance with everv principle of liberty,
ought never to have been enacted. It was not,
however, until experience had convinced the legislature
of its inefficiency, that it was repealed. * When,
after the last war, the renewed intercourse between
England and the Continent became extensive, it was
soon found that it was impossible to discover the
various disguises which the workmen could assume;
and the effect of the law was rather, by the fear
of punishment, to deter those who had left the country
from returning, than to check their disposition to
migrate.
436. (4) The principle, that government
Ought to interfere as little as possible between workmen
and their employers, is so well established, that
it is important to guard against its misapplication.
It is not inconsistent with this principle to insist
on the workmen being paid in money—for this
is merely to protect them from being deceived; and
still less is it a deviation from it to limit the
number of hours during which children shall work in
factories, or the age at which they shall commence
that species of labour—for they are not
free agents, nor are they capable of judging, if they
were; and both policy and humanity concur in demanding
for them some legislative protection. In both
cases it is as right and politic to protect the weaker
party from fraud or force, as it would be impolitic
and unjust to interfere with the amount of the wages
of either.
Notes:
1. Twenty eight shillings per
cwt for the finer, twenty one shillings per cwt for
the coarser papers.
2. I cannot omit the opportunity
of expressing my hope that this example will be followed
in other trades. We should thus obtain a body
of information equally important to the workman, the
capitalist, the philosopher, and the stateman.
3. The expense of a patent in
Spain is stated in the report to be respecitivly 2000,
1200 and 1000 reals. If these are reals of vellon,
in which accounts are usually kept at Madrid, the above
sums are correct; but if they are reals of plate, the
above sums ought to be nearly doubled.
4. In the year 1824 the law against
workmen going abroad, as well as the laws preventing
them from combining, were repealed, after the fullest
enquiry by a Committee of the House of Commons.
In 1825 an attempt to re-enact some of the most objectionable
was made, but it failed.