CHAPTER VII—(Intercalated) Mr. Spencer’s “The Factors of Organic
Evolution”
Since the foregoing and several of
the succeeding chapters were written, Mr. Herbert
Spencer has made his position at once more clear and
more widely understood by his articles “The Factors
of Organic Evolution” which appeared in the
Nineteenth Century for April and May, 1886.
The present appears the fittest place in which to
intercalate remarks concerning them.
Mr. Spencer asks whether those are
right who regard Mr. Charles Darwin’s theory
of natural selection as by itself sufficient to account
for organic evolution.
“On critically examining the
evidence” (modern writers never examine evidence,
they always “critically,” or “carefully,”
or “patiently,” examine it), he writes,
we shall find reason to think that it by no means
explains all that has to be explained. Omitting
for the present any consideration of a factor which
may be considered primordial, it may be contended
that one of the factors alleged by Erasmus Darwin
and Lamarck must be recognised as a co-operator.
Unless that increase of a part resulting from extra
activity, and that decrease of it resulting from inactivity,
are transmissible to descendants, we are without a
key to many phenomena of organic evolution.
UTTERLY inadequate to explain the
Major part of the facts as
is the hypothesis of the inheritance
of functionally produced modifications,
yet there is a minor part of the facts very extensive
though less, which must be ascribed to this cause.”
(Italics mine.)
Mr. Spencer does not here say expressly
that Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck considered inheritance
of functionally produced modifications to be the sole
explanation of the facts of organic life; modern writers
on evolution for the most part avoid saying anything
expressly; this nevertheless is the conclusion which
the reader naturally draws—and was doubtless
intended to draw—from Mr. Spencer’s
words. He gathers that these writers put forward
an “utterly inadequate” theory, which
cannot for a moment be entertained in the form in
which they left it, but which, nevertheless, contains
contributions to the formation of a just opinion which
of late years have been too much neglected.
This inference would be, as Mr. Spencer
ought to know, a mistaken one. Erasmus Darwin,
who was the first to depend mainly on functionally
produced modifications, attributes, if not as much
importance to variations induced either by what we
must call chance, or by causes having no connection
with use and disuse, as Mr. Spencer does, still so
nearly as much that there is little to choose between
them. Mr. Spencer’s words show that he
attributes, if not half, still not far off half the
modification that has actually been produced, to use
and disuse. Erasmus Darwin does not say whether
he considers use and disuse to have brought about
more than half or less than half; he only says that
animal and vegetable modification is “in part
produced” by the exertions of the animals and
vegetables themselves; the impression I have derived
is, that just as Mr. Spencer considers rather less
than half to be due to use and disuse, so Erasmus
Darwin considers decidedly more than half—so
much more, in fact, than half as to make function
unquestionably the factor most proper to be insisted
on if only one can be given. Further than this
he did not go. I will quote enough of Dr. Erasmus
Darwin’s own words to put his position beyond
doubt. He writes:-
“Thirdly, when we enumerate
the great changes produced in the species of animals
before their nativity, as, for example, when the offspring
reproduces the effects produced upon the parent by
accident or culture, or the changes produced by the
mixture of species, as in mules; or the changes produced
probably by exuberance of nourishment supplied to
the foetus, as in monstrous births with additional
limbs; many of these enormities are propagated and
continued as a variety at least, if not as a new species
of animal. I have seen a breed of cats with an
additional claw on every foot; of poultry also with
an additional claw and with wings to their feet; and
of others without rumps. Mr. Buffon” (who,
by the way, surely, was no more “Mr. Buffon”
than Lord Salisbury is “Mr. Salisbury”)
“mentions a breed of dogs without tails which
are common at Rome and Naples—which he
supposes to have been produced by a custom long established
of cutting their tails close off.” {102a}
Here not one of the causes of variation
adduced is connected with use and disuse, or effort,
volition, and purpose; the manner, moreover, in which
they are brought forward is not that of one who shows
signs of recalcitrancy about admitting other causes
of modification as well as use and disuse; indeed,
a little lower down he almost appears to assign the
subordinate place to functionally produced modifications,
for he says—“Fifthly, from their first
rudiments or primordium to the termination of their
lives, all animals undergo perpetual transformations;
which are in part produced
by their own exertions in consequence of their desires
and aversions, of their pleasures and their pains,
or of irritations or of associations; and many of
these acquired forms or propensities are transmitted
to their posterity.”
I have quoted enough to show that
Dr. Erasmus Darwin would have protested against the
supposition that functionally produced modifications
were an adequate explanation of all the phenomena of
organic modification. He declares accident and
the chances and changes of this mortal life to be
potent and frequent causes of variations, which, being
not infrequently inherited, result in the formation
of varieties and even species, but considers these
causes if taken alone as no less insufficient to account
for observable facts than the theory of functionally
produced modifications would be if not supplemented
by inheritance of so-called fortuitous, or spontaneous
variations. The difference between Dr. Erasmus
Darwin and Mr. Spencer does not consist in the denial
by the first, that a variety which happens, no matter
how accidentally, to have varied in a way that enables
it to comply more fully and readily with the conditions
of its existence, is likely to live longer and leave
more offspring than one less favoured; nor in the
denial by the second of the inheritance and accumulation
of functionally produced modifications; but in the
amount of stress which they respectively lay on the
relative importance of the two great factors of organic
evolution, the existence of which they are alike ready
to admit.
With Erasmus Darwin there is indeed
luck, and luck has had a great deal to do with organic
modification, but no amount of luck would have done
unless cunning had known how to take advantage of it;
whereas if cunning be given, a very little luck at
a time will accumulate in the course of ages and become
a mighty heap. Cunning, therefore, is the factor
on which, having regard to the usage of language and
the necessity for simplifying facts, he thinks it most
proper to insist. Surely this is as near as may
be the opinion which common consent ascribes to Mr.
Spencer himself. It is certainly the one which,
in supporting Erasmus Darwin’s system as against
his grandson’s, I have always intended to support.
With Charles Darwin, on the other hand, there is
indeed cunning, effort, and consequent use and disuse;
nor does he deny that these have produced some, and
sometimes even an important, effect in modifying species,
but he assigns by far the most important role in the
whole scheme to natural selection, which, as I have
already shown, must, with him, be regarded as a synonym
for luck pure and simple. This, for reasons
well shown by Mr. Spencer in the articles under consideration,
is so untenable that it seems only possible to account
for its having been advanced at all by supposing Mr.
Darwin’s judgment to have been perverted by some
one or more of the many causes that might tend to
warp them. What the chief of those causes may
have been I shall presently point out.
Buffon erred rather on the side of
ignoring functionally produced modifications than
of insisting on them. The main agency with him
is the direct action of the environment upon the organism.
This, no doubt, is a flaw in Buffon’s immortal
work, but it is one which Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck
easily corrected; nor can we doubt that Buffon would
have readily accepted their amendment if it had been
suggested to him. Buffon did infinitely more
in the way of discovering and establishing the theory
of descent with modification than any one has ever
done either before or since. He was too much
occupied with proving the fact of evolution at all,
to dwell as fully as might have been wished upon the
details of the process whereby the amoeba had become
man, but we have already seen that he regarded inherited
mutilation as the cause of establishing a new breed
of dogs, and this is at any rate not laying much stress
on functionally produced modifications. Again,
when writing of the dog, he speaks of variations arising
“By some chance common enough
with nature,” {104a} and clearly does not contemplate
function as the sole cause of modification.
Practically, though I grant I should be less able
to quote passages in support of my opinion than I
quite like, I do not doubt that his position was much
the same as that of his successors, Erasmus Darwin
and Lamarck.
Lamarck is more vulnerable than either
Erasmus Darwin or Buffon on the score of unwillingness
to assign its full share to mere chance, but I do
not for a moment believe his comparative reticence
to have been caused by failure to see that the chapter
of accidents is a fateful one. He saw that the
cunning or functional side had been too much lost
sight of, and therefore insisted on it, but he did
not mean to say that there is no such thing as luck.
“Let us suppose,” he says, “that
a grass growing in a low-lying meadow, gets carried
by some accident to the brow of a neighbouring
hill, where the soil is still damp enough for the
plant to be able to exist.” {105a} Or again—“With
sufficient time, favourable conditions of life, successive
changes in the condition of the globe, and the power
of new surroundings and habits to modify the organs
of living bodies, all animal and vegetable forms have
been imperceptibly rendered such as we now see them.”
{105b} Who can doubt that accident is here regarded
as a potent factor of evolution, as well as the design
that is involved in the supposition that modification
is, in the main, functionally induced? Again
he writes, “As regards the circumstances that
give rise to variation, the principal are climatic
changes, different temperatures of any of a creature’s
environments, differences of abode, of habit, of the
most frequent actions, and lastly of the means of
obtaining food, self-defence, reproduction,”
&c. {105c} I will not dwell on the small inconsistencies
which may be found in the passages quoted above; the
reader will doubtless see them, and will also doubtless
see that in spite of them there can be no doubt that
Lamarck, while believing modification to be effected
mainly by the survival in the struggle for existence
of modifications which had been induced functionally,
would not have hesitated to admit the survival of favourable
variations due to mere accident as also a potent factor
in inducing the results we see around us.
For the rest, Mr. Spencer’s
articles have relieved me from the necessity of going
into the evidence which proves that such structures
as a giraffe’s neck, for example, cannot possibly
have been produced by the accumulation of variations
which had their origin mainly in accident. There
is no occasion to add anything to what Mr. Spencer
has said on this score, and I am satisfied that those
who do not find his argument convince them would not
be convinced by anything I might say; I shall, therefore,
omit what I had written on this subject, and confine
myself to giving the substance of Mr. Spencer’s
most telling argument against Mr. Darwin’s theory
that accidental variations, if favourable, would accumulate
and result in seemingly adaptive structures.
Mr. Spencer well shows that luck or chance is insufficient
as a motive-power, or helm, of evolution; but luck
is only absence of design; if, then, absence of design
is found to fail, it follows that there must have
been design somewhere, nor can the design be more conveniently
placed than in association with function.
Mr. Spencer contends that where life
is so simple as to consist practically in the discharge
of only one function, or where circumstances are such
that some one function is supremely important (a state
of things, by the way, more easily found in hypothesis
than in nature—at least as continuing without
modification for many successive seasons), then accidental
variations, if favourable, would indeed accumulate
and result in modification, without the aid of the
transmission of functionally produced modification.
This is true; it is also true, however, that only
a very small number of species in comparison with
those we see around us could thus arise, and that
we should never have got plants and animals as embodiments
of the two great fundamental principles on which it
is alone possible that life can be conducted, {107a}
and species of plants and animals as embodiments of
the details involved in carrying out these two main
principles.
If the earliest organism could have
only varied favourably in one direction, the one possible
favourable accidental variation would have accumulated
so long as the organism continued to exist at all,
inasmuch as this would be preserved whenever it happened
to occur, while every other would be lost in the struggle
of competitive forms; but even in the lowest forms
of life there is more than one condition in respect
of which the organism must be supposed sensitive,
and there are as many directions in which variations
may be favourable as there are conditions of the environment
that affect the organism. We cannot conceive
of a living form as having a power of adaptation limited
to one direction only; the elasticity which admits
of a not being “extreme to mark that which is
done amiss” in one direction will commonly admit
of it in as many directions as there are possible
favourable modes of variation; the number of these,
as has been just said, depends upon the number of the
conditions of the environment that affect the organism,
and these last, though in the long run and over considerable
intervals of time tolerably constant, are over shorter
intervals liable to frequent and great changes; so
that there is nothing in Mr. Charles Darwin’s
system of modification through the natural survival
of the lucky, to prevent gain in one direction one
year from being lost irretrievably in the next, through
the greater success of some in no way correlated variation,
the fortunate possessors of which alone survive.
This, in its turn, is as likely as not to disappear
shortly through the arising of some difficulty in some
entirely new direction, and so on; nor, if function
be regarded as of small effect in determining organism,
is there anything to ensure either that, even if ground
be lost for a season or two in any one direction,
it shall be recovered presently on resumption by the
organism of the habits that called it into existence,
or that it shall appear synchronously in a sufficient
number of individuals to ensure its not being soon
lost through gamogenesis.
How is progress ever to be made if
races keep reversing, Penelope-like, in one generation
all that they have been achieving in the preceding?
And how, on Mr. Darwin’s system, of which the
accumulation of strokes of luck is the greatly preponderating
feature, is a hoard ever to be got together and conserved,
no matter how often luck may have thrown good things
in an organism’s way? Luck, or absence
of design, may be sometimes almost said to throw good
things in our way, or at any rate we may occasionally
get more through having made no design than any design
we should have been likely to have formed would have
given us; but luck does not hoard these good things
for our use and make our wills for us, nor does it
keep providing us with the same good gifts again and
again, and no matter how often we reject them.
I had better, perhaps, give Mr. Spencer’s
own words as quoted by himself in his article in the
Nineteenth Century for April, 1886. He there
wrote as follows, quoting from section 166 of his
“Principles of Biology,” which appeared
in 1864:-
“Where the life is comparatively
simple, or where surrounding circumstances render
some one function supremely important, the survival
of the fittest” (which means here the survival
of the luckiest) “may readily bring about the
appropriate structural change, without any aid from
the transmission of functionally-acquired modifications”
(into which effort and design have entered).
“But in proportion as the life grows complex—in
proportion as a healthy existence cannot be secured
by a large endowment of some one power, but demands
many powers; in the same proportion do there arise
obstacles to the increase of any particular power,
by ’the preservation of favoured races in the
struggle for life’” (that is to say, through
mere survival of the luckiest). “As fast
as the faculties are multiplied, so fast does it become
possible for the several members of a species to have
various kinds of superiority over one another.
While one saves its life by higher speed, another
does the like by clearer vision, another by keener
scent, another by quicker hearing, another by greater
strength, another by unusual power of enduring cold
or hunger, another by special sagacity, another by
special timidity, another by special courage; and others
by other bodily and mental attributes. Now it
is unquestionably true that, other things equal, each
of these attributes, giving its possessor an equal
extra chance of life, is likely to be transmitted
to posterity. But there seems no reason to believe
it will be increased in subsequent generations by
natural selection. That it may be thus increased,
the animals not possessing more than average endowments
of it must be more frequently killed off than individuals
highly endowed with it; and this can only happen when
the attribute is one of greater importance, for the
time being, than most of the other attributes.
If those members of the species which
have but ordinary shares of it, nevertheless survive
by virtue of other superiorities which they severally
possess, then it is not easy to see how this particular
attribute can be developed by natural selection in
subsequent generations.” (For if some other
superiority is a greater source of luck, then natural
selection, or survival of the luckiest, will ensure
that this other superiority be preserved at the expense
of the one acquired in the earlier generation.) “The
probability seems rather to be, that by gamogenesis,
this extra endowment will, on the average, be diminished
in posterity—just serving in the long run
to compensate the deficient endowments of other individuals,
whose special powers lie in other directions; and
so to keep up the normal structure of the species.
The working out of the process is here somewhat difficult
to follow” (there is no difficulty as soon as
it is perceived that Mr. Darwin’s natural selection
invariably means, or ought to mean, the survival of
the luckiest, and that seasons and what they bring
with them, though fairly constant on an average, yet
individually vary so greatly that what is luck in one
season is disaster in another); “but it appears
to me that as fast as the number of bodily and mental
faculties increases, and as fast as the maintenance
of life comes to depend less on the amount of any one,
and more on the combined action of all, so fast does
the production of specialities of character by natural
selection alone become difficult. Particularly
does this seem to be so with a species so multitudinous
in powers as mankind; and above all does it seem to
be so with such of the human powers as have but minor
shares in aiding the struggle for life—the
aesthetic faculties, for example.
“Dwelling for a moment on this
last illustration of the class of difficulties described,
let us ask how we are to interpret the development
of the musical faculty; how came there that endowment
of musical faculty which characterises modern Europeans
at large, as compared with their remote ancestors?
The monotonous chants of low savages cannot be said
to show any melodic inspiration; and it is not evident
that an individual savage who had a little more musical
perception than the rest would derive any such advantage
in the maintenance of life as would secure the spread
of his superiority by inheritance of the variation,”
&c.
It should be observed that the passage
given in the last paragraph but one appeared in 1864,
only five years after the first edition of the “Origin
of Species,” but, crushing as it is, Mr. Darwin
never answered it. He treated it as nonexistent—and
this, doubtless from a business standpoint, was the
best thing he could do. How far such a course
was consistent with that single-hearted devotion to
the interests of science for which Mr. Darwin developed
such an abnormal reputation, is a point which I must
leave to his many admirers to determine.