THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN LITTLE WARFARE
The beginning of the game of
Little War, as we know it, became possible with the
invention of the spring breechloader gun. This
priceless gift to boyhood appeared somewhen towards
the end of the last century, a gun capable of hitting
a toy soldier nine times out of ten at a distance of
nine yards. It has completely superseded all the
spiral-spring and other makes of gun hitherto used
in playroom warfare. These spring breechloaders
are made in various sizes and patterns, but the one
used in our game is that known in England as the four-point-seven
gun. It fires a wooden cylinder about an inch
long, and has a screw adjustment for elevation and
depression. It is an altogether elegant weapon.
It was with one of these guns that
the beginning of our war game was made. It was
at Sandgate—in England.
The present writer had been lunching
with a friend—let me veil his identity
under the initials J. K. J.—in a room littered
with the irrepressible debris of a small boy’s
pleasures. On a table near our own stood four
or five soldiers and one of these guns. Mr J.
K. J., his more urgent needs satisfied and the coffee
imminent, drew a chair to this little table, sat down,
examined the gun discreetly, loaded it warily, aimed,
and hit his man. Thereupon he boasted of the deed,
and issued challenges that were accepted with avidity.
. . .
He fired that day a shot that still
echoes round the world. An affair—
let us parallel the Cannonade of Valmy and call it
the Cannonade of Sandgate—occurred, a shooting
between opposed ranks of soldiers, a shooting not
very different in spirit—but how different
in results!— from the prehistoric warfare
of catapult and garter. “But suppose,”
said his antagonists; “suppose somehow one could
move the men!” and therewith opened a new world
of belligerence.
The matter went no further with Mr
J. K. J. The seed lay for a time gathering strength,
and then began to germinate with another friend, Mr
W. To Mr W. was broached the idea: “I believe
that if one set up a few obstacles on the floor, volumes
of the British Encyclopedia and so forth, to make
a Country, and moved these soldiers and guns about,
one could have rather a good game, a kind of kriegspiel.”.
. .
Primitive attempts to realise the
dream were interrupted by a great rustle and chattering
of lady visitors. They regarded the objects upon
the floor with the empty disdain of their sex for all
imaginative things.
But the writer had in those days a
very dear friend, a man too ill for long excursions
or vigorous sports (he has been dead now these six
years), of a very sweet companionable disposition,
a hearty jester and full of the spirit of play.
To him the idea was broached more fruitfully.
We got two forces of toy soldiers, set out a lumpish
Encyclopaedic land upon the carpet, and began to play.
We arranged to move in alternate moves: first
one moved all his force and then the other; an infantry-man
could move one foot at each move, a cavalry-man two,
a gun two, and it might fire six shots; and if a man
was moved up to touch another man, then we tossed
up and decided which man was dead. So we made
a game, which was not a good game, but which was very
amusing once or twice. The men were packed under
the lee of fat volumes, while the guns, animated by
a spirit of their own, banged away at any exposed
head, or prowled about in search of a shot. Occasionally
men came into contact, with remarkable results.
Rash is the man who trusts his life to the spin of
a coin. One impossible paladin slew in succession
nine men and turned defeat to victory, to the extreme
exasperation of the strategist who had led those victims
to their doom. This inordinate factor of chance
eliminated play; the individual freedom of guns turned
battles into scandals of crouching concealment; there
was too much cover afforded by the books and vast
intervals of waiting while the players took aim.
And yet there was something about it. . . . It
was a game crying aloud for improvement.
Improvement came almost simultaneously
in several directions. First there was the development
of the Country. The soldiers did not stand well
on an ordinary carpet, the Encyclopedia made clumsy
cliff-like “cover”, and more particularly
the room in which the game had its beginnings was
subject to the invasion of callers, alien souls, trampling
skirt-swishers, chatterers, creatures unfavourably
impressed by the spectacle of two middle-aged men
playing with “toy soldiers” on the floor,
and very heated and excited about it. Overhead
was the day nursery, with a wide extent of smooth
cork carpet (the natural terrain of toy soldiers),
a large box of bricks—such as I have described
in Floor Games—and certain large inch-thick
boards.
It was an easy task for the head of
the household to evict his offspring, annex these
advantages, and set about planning a more realistic
country. (I forget what became of the children.) The
thick boards were piled up one upon another to form
hills; holes were bored in them, into which twigs
of various shrubs were stuck to represent trees; houses
and sheds (solid and compact piles of from three to
six or seven inches high, and broad in proportion)
and walls were made with the bricks; ponds and swamps
and rivers, with fords and so forth indicated, were
chalked out on the floor, garden stones were brought
in to represent great rocks, and the “Country”
at least of our perfected war game was in existence.
We discovered it was easy to cut out and bend and
gum together paper and cardboard walls, into which
our toy bricks could be packed, and on which we could
paint doors and windows, creepers and rain-water pipes,
and so forth, to represent houses, castles, and churches
in a more realistic manner, and, growing skilful, we
made various bridges and so forth of card. Every
boy who has ever put together model villages knows
how to do these things, and the attentive reader will
find them edifyingly represented in our photographic
illustrations.
There has been little development
since that time in the Country. Our illustrations
show the methods of arrangement, and the reader will
see how easily and readily the utmost variety of battlefields
can be made. (It is merely to be remarked that
a too crowded Country makes the guns ineffective and
leads to a mere tree to tree and house to house scramble,
and that large open spaces along the middle, or rivers
without frequent fords and bridges, lead to ineffective
cannonades, because of the danger of any advance.
On the whole, too much cover is better than too little.)
We decided that one player should plan and lay out
the Country, and the other player choose from which
side he would come. And to-day we play over such
landscapes in a cork-carpeted schoolroom, from which
the proper occupants are no longer evicted but remain
to take an increasingly responsible and less and less
audible and distressing share in the operations.
We found it necessary to make certain
general rules. Houses and sheds must be made
of solid lumps of bricks, and not hollow so that soldiers
can be put inside them, because otherwise muddled situations
arise. And it was clearly necessary to provide
for the replacement of disturbed objects by chalking
out the outlines of boards and houses upon the floor
or boards upon which they stood.
And while we thus perfected the Country,
we were also eliminating all sorts of tediums, disputable
possibilities, and deadlocks from the game. We
decided that every man should be as brave and skilful
as every other man, and that when two men of opposite
sides came into contact they would inevitably kill
each other. This restored strategy to its predominance
over chance.
We then began to humanise that wild
and fearful fowl, the gun. We decided that a
gun could not be fired if there were not six—afterwards
we reduced the number to four—men within
six inches of it. And we ruled that a gun could
not both fire and move in the same general move:
it could either be fired or moved (or left alone).
If there were less than six men within six inches
of a gun, then we tried letting it fire as many shots
as there were men, and we permitted a single man to
move a gun, and move with it as far as he could go
by the rules—a foot, that is, if he was
an infantry-man, and two feet if he was a cavalry-man.
We abolished altogether that magical freedom of an
unassisted gun to move two feet. And on such
rules as these we fought a number of battles.
They were interesting, but not entirely satisfactory.
We took no prisoners— a feature at once
barbaric and unconvincing. The battles lingered
on a long time, because we shot with extreme care
and deliberation, and they were hard to bring to a
decisive finish. The guns were altogether too
predominant. They prevented attacks getting home,
and they made it possible for a timid player to put
all his soldiers out of sight behind hills and houses,
and bang away if his opponent showed as much as the
tip of a bayonet. Monsieur Bloch seemed vindicated,
and Little War had become impossible. And there
was something a little absurd, too, in the spectacle
of a solitary drummer-boy, for example, marching off
with a gun.
But as there was nevertheless much
that seemed to us extremely pretty and picturesque
about the game, we set to work—and here
a certain Mr M. with his brother, Captain M., hot
from the Great War in South Africa, came in most helpfully—to
quicken it. Manifestly the guns had to be reduced
to manageable terms. We cut down the number of
shots per move to four, and we required that four
men should be within six inches of a gun for it to
be in action at all. Without four men it could
neither fire nor move—it was out of action;
and if it moved, the four men had to go with it.
Moreover, to put an end to that little resistant body
of men behind a house, we required that after a gun
had been fired it should remain, without alteration
of the elevation, pointing in the direction of its
last shot, and have two men placed one on either side
of the end of its trail. This secured a certain
exposure on the part of concealed and sheltered gunners.
It was no longer possible to go on shooting out of
a perfect security for ever. All this favoured
the attack and led to a livelier game.
Our next step was to abolish the tedium
due to the elaborate aiming of the guns, by fixing
a time limit for every move. We made this an outside
limit at first, ten minutes, but afterwards we discovered
that it made the game much more warlike to cut the
time down to a length that would barely permit a slow-moving
player to fire all his guns and move all his men.
This led to small bodies of men lagging and “getting
left,” to careless exposures, to rapid, less
accurate shooting, and just that eventfulness one
would expect in the hurry and passion of real fighting.
It also made the game brisker. We have since also
made a limit, sometimes of four minutes, sometimes
of five minutes, to the interval for adjustment and
deliberation after one move is finished and before
the next move begins. This further removes the
game from the chess category, and approximates it
to the likeness of active service. Most of a
general’s decisions, once a fight has begun,
must be made in such brief intervals of time. (But
we leave unlimited time at the outset for the planning.)
As to our time-keeping, we catch a
visitor with a stop-watch if we can, and if we cannot,
we use a fair-sized clock with a second-hand:
the player not moving says “Go,” and warns
at the last two minutes, last minute, and last thirty
seconds. But I think it would not be difficult
to procure a cheap clock—because, of course,
no one wants a very accurate agreement with Greenwich
as to the length of a second—that would
have minutes instead of hours and seconds instead of
minutes, and that would ping at the end of every minute
and discharge an alarm note at the end of the move.
That would abolish the rather boring strain of time-keeping.
One could just watch the fighting.
Moreover, in our desire to bring the
game to a climax, we decided that instead of a fight
to a finish we would fight to some determined point,
and we found very good sport in supposing that the
arrival of three men of one force upon the back line
of the opponent’s side of the country was of
such strategic importance as to determine the battle.
But this form of battle we have since largely abandoned
in favour of the old fight to a finish again.
We found it led to one type of battle only, a massed
rush at the antagonist’s line, and that our arrangements
of time-limits and capture and so forth had eliminated
most of the concluding drag upon the game.
Our game was now very much in its
present form. We considered at various times
the possibility of introducing some complication due
to the bringing up of ammunition or supplies generally,
and we decided that it would add little to the interest
or reality of the game. Our battles are little
brisk fights in which one may suppose that all the
ammunition and food needed are carried by the men
themselves.
But our latest development has been
in the direction of killing hand to hand or taking
prisoners. We found it necessary to distinguish
between an isolated force and a force that was merely
a projecting part of a larger force. We made
a definition of isolation. After a considerable
amount of trials we decided that a man or a detachment
shall be considered to be isolated when there is less
than half its number of its own side within a move
of it. Now, in actual civilised warfare small
detached bodies do not sell their lives dearly; a considerably
larger force is able to make them prisoners without
difficulty. Accordingly we decided that if a
blue force, for example, has one or more men isolated,
and a red force of at least double the strength of
this isolated detachment moves up to contact with
it, the blue men will be considered to be prisoners.
That seemed fair; but so desperate
is the courage and devotion of lead soldiers, that
it came to this, that any small force that got or seemed
likely to get isolated and caught by a superior force
instead of waiting to be taken prisoners, dashed at
its possible captors and slew them man for man.
It was manifestly unreasonable to permit this.
And in considering how best to prevent such inhuman
heroisms, we were reminded of another frequent incident
in our battles that also erred towards the incredible
and vitiated our strategy. That was the charging
of one or two isolated horse-men at a gun in order
to disable it. Let me illustrate this by an incident.
A force consisting of ten infantry and five cavalry
with a gun are retreating across an exposed space,
and a gun with thirty men, cavalry and infantry, in
support comes out upon a crest into a position to
fire within two feet of the retreating cavalry.
The attacking player puts eight men within six inches
of his gun and pushes the rest of his men a little
forward to the right or left in pursuit of his enemy.
In the real thing, the retreating horsemen would go
off to cover with the gun, “hell for leather,”
while the infantry would open out and retreat, firing.
But see what happened in our imperfect form of Little
War! The move of the retreating player began.
Instead of retreating his whole force, he charged home
with his mounted desperadoes, killed five of the eight
men about the gun, and so by the rule silenced it,
enabling the rest of his little body to get clean away
to cover at the leisurely pace of one foot a move.
This was not like any sort of warfare. In real
life cavalry cannot pick out and kill its equivalent
in cavalry while that equivalent is closely supported
by other cavalry or infantry; a handful of troopers
cannot gallop past well and abundantly manned guns
in action, cut down the gunners and interrupt the
fire. And yet for a time we found it a little
difficult to frame simple rules to meet these two
bad cases and prevent such scandalous possibilities.
We did at last contrive to do so; we invented what
we call the melee, and our revised rules in the event
of a melee will be found set out upon a later page.
They do really permit something like an actual result
to hand-to-hand encounters. They abolish Horatius
Cocles.
We also found difficulties about the
capturing of guns. At first we had merely provided
that a gun was captured when it was out of action and
four men of the opposite force were within six inches
of it, but we found a number of cases for which this
rule was too vague. A gun, for example, would
be disabled and left with only three men within six
inches; the enemy would then come up eight or ten strong
within six inches on the other side, but not really
reaching the gun. At the next move the original
possessor of the gun would bring up half a dozen men
within six inches. To whom did the gun belong?
By the original wording of our rule, it might be supposed
to belong to the attack which had never really touched
the gun yet, and they could claim to turn it upon
its original side. We had to meet a number of
such cases. We met them by requiring the capturing
force—or, to be precise, four men of it—actually
to pass the axle of the gun before it could be taken.
All sorts of odd little difficulties
arose too, connected with the use of the guns as a
shelter from fire, and very exact rules had to be made
to avoid tilting the nose and raising the breech of
a gun in order to use it as cover. . . .
We still found it difficult to introduce
any imitation into our game of either retreat or the
surrender of men not actually taken prisoners in a
melee. Both things were possible by the rules,
but nobody did them because there was no inducement
to do them. Games were apt to end obstinately
with the death or capture of the last man. An
inducement was needed. This we contrived by playing
not for the game but for points, scoring the result
of each game and counting the points towards the decision
of a campaign. Our campaign was to our single
game what a rubber is to a game of whist. We
made the end of a war 200, 300, or 400 or more points
up, according to the number of games we wanted to play,
and we scored a hundred for each battle won, and in
addition 1 for each infantry-man, 1-1/2 for each cavalry-man,
10 for each gun, 1/2 for each man held prisoner by
the enemy, and 1/2 for each prisoner held at the end
of the game, subtracting what the antagonist scored
by the same scale. Thus, when he felt the battle
was hopelessly lost, he had a direct inducement to
retreat any guns he could still save and surrender
any men who were under the fire of the victors’
guns and likely to be slaughtered, in order to minimise
the score against him. And an interest was given
to a skilful retreat, in which the loser not only saved
points for himself but inflicted losses upon the pursuing
enemy.
At first we played the game from the
outset, with each player’s force within sight
of his antagonist; then we found it possible to hang
a double curtain of casement cloth from a string stretched
across the middle of the field, and we drew this back
only after both sides had set out their men.
Without these curtains we found the first player was
at a heavy disadvantage, because he displayed all
his dispositions before his opponent set down his
men.
And at last our rules have reached
stability, and we regard them now with the virtuous
pride of men who have persisted in a great undertaking
and arrived at precision after much tribulation.
There is not a piece of constructive legislation in
the world, not a solitary attempt to meet a complicated
problem, that we do not now regard the more charitably
for our efforts to get a right result from this apparently
easy and puerile business of fighting with tin soldiers
on the floor.
And so our laws all made, battles
have been fought, the mere beginnings, we feel, of
vast campaigns. The game has become in a dozen
aspects extraordinarily like a small real battle.
The plans are made, the Country hastily surveyed,
and then the curtains are closed, and the antagonists
make their opening dispositions. Then the curtains
are drawn back and the hostile forces come within
sight of each other; the little companies and squadrons
and batteries appear hurrying to their positions,
the infantry deploying into long open lines, the cavalry
sheltering in reserve, or galloping with the guns to
favourable advance positions.
In two or three moves the guns are
flickering into action, a cavalry melee may be in
progress, the plans of the attack are more or less
apparent, here are men pouring out from the shelter
of a wood to secure some point of vantage, and here
are troops massing among farm buildings for a vigorous
attack. The combat grows hot round some vital
point. Move follows move in swift succession.
One realises with a sickening sense of error that
one is outnumbered and hard pressed here and uselessly
cut off there, that one’s guns are ill-placed,
that one’s wings are spread too widely, and
that help can come only over some deadly zone of fire.
So the fight wears on. Guns are
lost or won, hills or villages stormed or held; suddenly
it grows clear that the scales are tilting beyond
recovery, and the loser has nothing left but to contrive
how he may get to the back line and safety with the
vestiges of his command. . . .
But let me, before I go on to tell
of actual battles and campaigns, give here a summary
of our essential rules.