Whether miraculous or not, the early
history of the Sacro Monte is undoubtedly obscure,
and the reader will probably have ere this perceived
that the accounts given by Fassola and Torrotti stand
in some need of reconstruction. The resemblance
between Varallo and Jerusalem is too far fetched to
have had any bona fide effect upon a man of travel
and of affairs, such as Caimi certainly was; it is
hardly greater than the famous one between Monmouth
and Macedon; there is, indeed, a river—not
to say two—at Varallo, and there is a river
also only twenty-five miles off Jerusalem; doubtless
at one time or another there have been crucifixions
in both, but some other reason must be sought for
the establishment of a great spiritual stronghold
at the foot of the Alps, than a mere desire to find
the place which should most remind its founder of
the Holy City. Why this great effort in a remote
and then almost inaccessible province of the Church,
far from any of the religious centres towards which
one would have expected it to gravitate? The
answer suggests itself as readily as the question;
namely, that it was an attempt to stem the torrent
of reformed doctrines already surging over many an
Alpine pass, and threatening a moral invasion as fatal
to the spiritual power of Rome as earlier physical
invasions of Northmen had been to her material power.
Those who see the Italian sub-alpine
valleys of to-day as devoted to the Church of Rome
are apt to forget how nearly they fell away from her
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and what
efforts, both by way of punishment and allurement,
she was compelled to make before she could retain
them in her grasp. In most of them the ferment
caused by the introduction of the reformed doctrines
was in the end stamped out; but in some, as in the
Valle di Poschiavo, and the Val Bregaglia, Protestantism
is still either the predominant creed or not uncommon.
I do not mention the Vaudois valleys of Piedmont,
for I am told these were Protestant before either Huss
or Luther preached.
The Valsesians had ere now given proof
of a tendency towards heresy, but they were a people
whom it was worth while making every effort to retain.
They have ever been, as we have seen it said already,
a vigorous, sturdy, independent race, imbued, in virtue
perhaps of their mixed descent, with a large share
of the good points both of Southern and Northern nations.
They are Italians; but Italians of the most robust
and Roman type, combining in a remarkable degree Southern
grace and versatility with Northern enterprise and
power of endurance. It is no great stretch of
imagination to suppose that Bernardino Caimi was alive
to dangers that were sufficiently obvious, and that
he began with the Val Sesia, partly as of all the sub-alpine
valleys the one most imbued with German blood—the
one in which to this day the German language has lingered
longest, and in which, therefore, ideas derived from
Germany would most easily be established—and
partly because of the quasi-independence of the Val
Sesia, and of its lying out of the path of those wars
from which the plains of Lombardy have been rarely
long exempt. It may be noted that the movement
set on foot by Caimi extended afterwards to other
places, always, with the exception of Crea, on the
last slopes of the Alps before the plains of Lombardy
and Piedmont begin. Varese, Locarno, Orta, Varallo,
Oropa, Graglia, St. Ignazio, not to mention St. Giovanni
di Andorno, have all of them something of the spiritual
frontier fortress about them, and, I imagine, are all
more or less directly indebted to the reformation
for their inception.
Confining our attention to Varallo,
the history of the Sacro Monte divides itself into
two main periods; the first, from the foundation to
the visit of S. Carlo Borromeo in 1678; the second,
from the visit of S. Carlo to the present day.
The first of these periods begins with 1486, in which
year the present Sacro Monte was no doubt formally
contemplated, if not actually commenced. That
it was contemplated is shown by the inscription on
Caimi’s grave already given, and also by the
first of the two deeds given in Signor Galloni’s
notes, from which it appears {2} that under the brief
of December 21, 1486, Caimi had powers to take over
the land now covered by the chapels, even though
he should be absent—it
being evidently intended that the land should be conveyed
at once, and before he could return from Jerusalem,
for which place he started in 1487. Moreover,
there remains one small chapel with frescoes that can
hardly be later than 1485-1490. This is now numbered
45, and is supposed by many to be older even than
Caimi’s first visit. It may be so, but
there is nothing to show that it actually was.
I have seen a date scratched on it which it is said
is 1437, but the four is really a five, which in old
writing is often taken for a four, and the frescoes,
which in their own way are of considerable merit, would
be most naturally assigned to about the date 1485-1490.
I do not think there can be a doubt that we have
in this chapel the earliest existing building on the
Sacro Monte, but find it impossible to form any opinion
as to whether it was in existence before Bernardino
Caimi’s time, or no.
In the second of the two deeds given
by Signor Galloni (p. 85), the following passage occurs:-
“Et similiter fecerunt ipsi
Sindici, et Procuratores, ut supra introducendo ipsum
Patrem Vicarium ut supra in Eremitorium sancti Sepulchri
existent. in loco ubi dicebatur super pariete, aperiendo
eidem ostia dicti Eremitorij, et dando eidem claues
Ostiorum dicti eremitorij, et eum deambulari faciendo
in eo, et similiter in Hortis dicti Eremitorij, dando
eidem in gremium ut supra de terris, herbis, et frondibus,
et lapidibus existen. in locis praedictis, et similiter
in Capella existente subtus crucem, et in Capellam
Ascensionis AEdificatam super Monte praedicto.
Qui locus est de membris dicti Monasterii suprascripti.”
Neither Signor Galloni, who pointed
out this passage to me, nor I, though we have more
than once discussed the matter on the ground itself,
can arrive at any conclusion as to what was intended
by “the chapel now in existence under the cross,”
nor yet what chapel is intended by “the chapel
of the Ascension on the said mountain.”
It is probable that there was an early chapel of
the Ascension, and the wooden figure of Christ on
the fountain in the piazza before the church was very
likely taken from it, but there is no evidence to
show where it stood.
Signor Arienta tells me that the chapel
now occupied by the Temptation in the Wilderness was
formerly a chapel of the Ascension. He told me
to go round to the back of this chapel, and I should
find it was earlier than appeared from the front.
I did so, and saw it had formerly fronted the other
way to what it does now, but among the many dates
scrawled on it could find none earlier than 1506, and
it is not likely to have been built thirteen years
before it got scrawled on.
Some hold the chapels referred to
in the deed above quoted from to have included the
present Annunciation, Salutation, and sleeping St.
Joseph block—or part of it. Others
hold them to have referred to the chapels now filled
by the Pieta and the Entombment (Nos. 40 and 41);
but it should not be forgotten that by 1493 the chapels
of S. Francis and the Holy Sepulchre were already
in existence, though no mention is made of them; and
there may have been other chapels also already built
of which no mention is made. Thus immediately
outside the St. Francis chapel and towards the door
leading to the Holy Sepulchre, there is a small recess
in which is placed an urn of iron that contains the
head of Bernardino Caimi with a Latin inscription;
and hard by there is another inscription which runs
as follows:-
“Magnificus D. Milanus Scarrogninus
hoc Sepulcrum cum fabrica sibi contigua Christo posuit
die septimo Octobris MCCCCLXXXXI. R. P. Frater
Bernardinus de Mediolano Ordinis Minorum de Observ.
sacra hujus montis excogitavit loca, ut hic Hierusalem
videat qui peragrare nequit.”
We may say with some confidence that
the present chapel No. 45, those numbered 40 and 41,
the block containing the St. Francis and Holy Sepulchre
chapels, and probably the Presepio, Adoration of the
Shepherds, and Circumcision chapels—though
it may be doubted whether these last contained the
figures that they now do—were in existence
before the year 1500. Part if not all of the
block containing the Sta. Casa di Loreto, in
which the Annunciation is now found, is also probably
earlier than 1500, as also an early Agony in the Garden
now long destroyed, but of which we are told that
the figures were originally made of wood. Over
and above these there was a Cena, Capture, Flagellation,
and an Ascension chapel, all of which contained wooden
figures, and cannot be dated later than the three or
four earliest years of the sixteenth century.
No wooden figure is to be dated later than this,
for when once an oven for baking clay had been made
(and this must have been done soon after Gaudenzio
took the works on the Sacro Monte in hand) the use
of wood was discarded never to be resumed.
According to both Fassola and Torrotti,
the first chapel erected on the Sacro Monte was that
of S. Francesco, with its adjacent reproduction of
the Holy Sepulchre. According to Bordiga the
first was the entombment, containing nine figures
of wood, or, as the earlier writers say, eight.
Bordiga probably means that the Entombment was the
earliest chapel with figures in it, and the other
writers that the St. Francis chapel was the first in
which mass was said. These last speak very highly
of the wooden figures in the Entombment chapel, and
so more guardedly does Bordiga. I will return
to them when I come to the present group of nine by
Luigi Marchesi, a sculptor of Saltrio, which were
substituted for the old ones in 1826. The early
writers say that there was no fresco background to
this chapel, and this suggests that the attempt to
combine sculpture and painting was not part of the
initial scheme, though soon engrafted on to it, inasmuch
as this is the only chapel about which I find it expressly
stated by early writers that it was without a fresco
background (“senza pittura alcuna”). {3} Though there
was no fresco background, Bordiga says there was a
fresco painted, doubtless done very early in his career,
by Gaudenzio Ferrari, outside the chapel just above
the iron grating through which the visitor must look.
Probably the original scheme was to have sculptured
figures inside the chapels, and frescoes outside;
by an easy modification these last were transferred
from the outside to the inside, and so designed as
to form an integral part of the composition:
the daring scheme of combining the utmost resources
of both painting and sculpture in a single work was
thus gradually evolved rather than arrived at per
saltum. Assuming, however, the currently received
date of 1503 or 1504 as correct for Gaudenzio’s
frescoes in the present Pieta chapel, the conception
as carried out in the greater number of the existing
chapels had then attained the shape from which no subsequent
departure was made.
Returning to Gaudenzio’s fresco
outside the S. Francesco chapel, Bordiga says that
Caccia gave the following lines on this work:-
“Sotto un vicino portico di fuore
Portato a sepelir e di pittura
Un Cristo; che non mai Zeuxi pittore
Di questo finse piu bella figura,
Che un San Francesco possa pareggiare,
Pinto piu inanzi sopra d’un altare.”
The reader will note that the fresco
is here expressly stated to be “di fuore”
or outside and not inside the chapel.
Both Fassola and Torrotti place this
fresco on the outside wall of the chapel of St. Francis,
but Bordiga is probably right in saying it was on
the Entombment chapel. No trace of it remains,
nor yet of the other works by Gaudenzio, which all
three writers agree were in the S. Francesco chapel,
though they must all have been some few years later
than the chapel itself. These consisted of portraits
of Milano Scarrognini with Father Beato Candido Ranzo
Bernardino Caimi upon the gospel, or right, side of
the altar, and of Scarrognini’s wife and son
with Bernardino Caimi, on the epistle side. According
to Bordiga, Gaudenzio also painted a St. Anthony of
Padua, and a St. Helena, one on either side the grating.
Inside the chapel over the altar was a painting of
St. Francis receiving the stigmata, also by Gaudenzio.
This is the only one of his works in or about the
S. Francesco chapel which still exists; it is now
in the pinacoteca of the Museum at Varallo, but is
not, so far as I could judge of it, one of his best
pictures. The other works were in a decayed condition
in 1703, when they were removed, and the chapel was
redecorated by Francesco Leva, a painter of Milan.
The Crucifixion chapel of Gaudenzio
Ferrari was begun and finished between 1520 and 1530.
1 have found three excellently written dates of 1529
scrawled upon the fresco background. One of them,
“1529 Die 26 Octobre Johannes Antoninus,”
is especially clear, and the other two leave no doubt
what year was intended. I have found no earlier
date, but should not be surprised if further search
were more successful. I may say in passing that
it seemed to me as though some parts of the scar made
by the inscription had been filled with paint, while
others had certainly not—as though the work
had been in parts retouched, not so very long ago.
I think this is so, but two or three to whom I showed
what I took to be the new colour were not convinced,
so I must leave others to decide the point.
The Magi chapel must be assigned to
some date between the years 1530 and 1539—I
should say probably to about 1538, but I will return
to this later on. Torrotti says that some of
the figures on the Christ taken for the last time
before Pilate (chapel No. 32) are by Gaudenzio, as
also some paintings that were preserved when the Palazzo
di Pilato was built, but I can see no sign of either
one or the other now; nevertheless it is likely enough
that several figures—transformed as we shall presently
see that d’Enrico or his assistants knew very
well how to transform them—are doing duty
in the Caiaphas, Herod, Pilate, and Ecce Homo chapels.
So cunningly did the workmen of that time disguise
a figure when they wanted to alter its character and
action that it would be no easy matter to find out
exactly what was done; if they could turn an Eve, as
they did, into a very passable Roman soldier assisting
at the capture of Christ, they could make anything
out of anything. A figure was a figure, and was
not to be thrown away lightly.
Soon after the completion of the Magi
chapel the work flagged in consequence of the wars
then devastating the provinces of North Italy; nevertheless
by the middle of the sixteenth century we learn from
Torrotti that some nineteen chapels had been completed.
It is idle to spend much time in guessing
which these chapels were, when Caccia’s work,
published in 1565, is sure to be found some day and
will settle the matter authoritatively, but the reader
will not be far wrong if he sees the Sacro Monte by
the year 1550 as consisting of the following chapels:
Adam and Eve, Annunciation, Salutation (?), Magi,
Adoration of the Infant Jesus by the Shepherds, Adoration
by Joseph and Mary, Circumcision, (but not the present
figures nor fresco background), Last Supper, Agony
in the Garden, Capture, Flagellation, Crowning with
thorns (?), Christ taken for the last time before
Pilate, the Original journey to Calvary, Fainting
Madonna, Crucifixion, Entombment, Ascension, and the
old church of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary now
removed. There were probably one or two others,
but there cannot have been many.
In the 1586 edition of Caccia, a MS.
copy of which I have before me, the chapels are given
as follows: Adam and Eve, Annunciation, and
Santa Casa di Loreto, Visit of Mary to Elizabeth, Magi,
Joseph and Mary worshipping the Infant Christ, and
the Adoration of Shepherds, {4} Circumcision, Joseph
warned to fly, the chapel (but not the figures) of
the Massacre of the Innocents, Flight into Egypt Baptism,
Temptation in the Wilderness, Woman of Samaria, the
chapel (but not the figures) of the Healing of the
Paralytic, and the Raising of the Widow’s son
at Nain, the Raising of Lazarus, Entry of Christ into
Jerusalem, the Last Supper, Agony in the Garden, Capture,
Flagellation, Crowning with Thorns, Christ carrying
His cross to Calvary (doubtless Tabachetti’s
chapel), the Fainting of the Virgin, the earlier Journey
to Calvary by Gaudenzio (now dispersed or destroyed),
Crucifixion, Pieta, Holy Sepulchre, Appearance to Mary
Magdalene (now no longer existing).
I should say, however, that I find
it impossible to reconcile the two accounts of the
journeys to Calvary, given in the prose introduction
to this work, and in the poetical description that
follows it, or rather to understand the topography
of the poetical version at all, for the prose account
is plain enough. I shall place a MS. copy of
the 1586 edition of Caccia’s book in the British
Museum, before this present volume is published, and
will leave other students of Valsesian history to
be more fortunate if they can. Poetical descriptions
are so far better than prose, inasmuch as there is
generally less of them in a page, but on the whole
prose has the advantage.
It would be interesting to see the
1565 and 1576 editions of Caccia, and note the changes
and additions that can be found in them. The
differences between the 1586 and 1590 editions (dated
1587 and 1591- the preface to the second being dated
September 25, 1589), are enough to throw considerable
additional light upon the history of the place, and
if, as I believe likely, we find no mention of Tabachetti’s
Calvary chapel in the edition of 1576, nor of his other
chapels, we should be able to date his arrival at
Varallo within a very few years, and settle a question
which, until these two editions of Caccia are found,
appears insoluble. I must be myself content with
pointing out these libri desiderati to the future historian.
Some say that the work on the Sacro
Monte was almost discontinued between the years 1540
and 1580. I cannot, however, find that this
was so, though it appears to have somewhat flagged.
I cannot tell whether Tabachetti came to Varallo
before S. Carlo or after him. If before, then
a good deal of the second impetus may be due to the
sculptor rather than to the saint; if after, and as
a consequence of S. Carlo’s visit, then indeed
S. Carlo must be considered as the second founder
of the place; but whatever view is taken about this,
S. Carlo’s visit in 1578 is convenient as marking
a new departure in the history of the Sacro Monte,
and he may be fairly called its second founder.
Giussano gives the following account
of his first visit, which makes us better understand
the austere expression that reigns on S. Carlo’s
face, as we see it represented in his portraits:-
“It was two o’clock in
the day before St. Charles arrived at this place,
and he had not broken his fast, but before taking anything
he visited the different chapels for meditation, of
which Father Adorno gave him the points. As
evening drew on, he withdrew to take his refection
of bread and water, and then returned again to the
chapels till after midnight though the weather was
very cold” [end of October or beginning of November].
“He then took two hours’ rest on a chair,
and at five o’clock in the morning resumed his
devotions; then, after having said his Mass, he again
allowed himself a small portion of bread and water,
and continued his journey to Milan, renewed in fervour
of spirit, and with a firm determination to begin again
to serve God with greater energy than ever.”
{5}
Surely one may add “according
to his lights” after the words “to serve
God.” The second visit of St. Charles to
Varallo, a few days before his death, is even more
painful reading, and the reader may be referred for
an account of it to chapter xi. of the second volume
of the work last quoted from. He had a cell
in the cloister, where he slept on a wooden bed, which
is still shown and venerated, and used to spend hours
in contemplating the various sacred mysteries, but
most especially the Agony in the Garden, near which
a little shelter was made for him, and in which he
was praying when his impending death was announced
to him by an angel. But this chapel, which was
near the present Transfiguration Chapel, was destroyed
and rebuilt on its present site after his death, as
also the Cena Chapel, which originally contained frescoes
by Bernardino Lanini. It was on the Sacro Monte
that S. Carlo discharged his last public functions,
after which, feeling that he had taken a chill, he
left Varallo on the 29th of October 1584, and died
at Milan six days afterwards.
At S. Carlo’s instance Pellegrino
Pellegrini, called Tibaldi, made a new design for
the Sacro Monte, which was happily never carried out,
but which I am told involved the destruction of many
of the earlier chapels. He made the plan of
the Sacro Monte as it stood in his time, which I have
already referred to, and designed the many chapels
mentioned in the 1586 edition of Caccia as about to
be built. Prominent among these was the Temple
of Solomon, which was to involve “una spesa
grandissima,” and was to be as like the real
temple as it could be made. Inside it were to
be groups of figures representing Christ driving out
those that bought and sold, and it was to have a magnificent
marble portico.
The Palazzo di Pilato, which, as the
name denotes, is devoted to the sufferings of Christ
under Pontius Pilate, was actually carried out, though
not till some years after S. Carlo’s death, and
not according to Pellegrini’s design.
It is most probable that the designer of the Palazzo
di Pilato, and of the Caiaphas and Herod chapels as
we now see them, was Giovanni d’Enrico.
“It was in 1608,” says Bordiga, {6} writing
of the Santa Scala, which leads from the Crowning with
Thorns to the Ecce Homo chapels, and which, one would
say, must have been one of the first things done when
the Palazzo di Pilato was made, “that this work
with its steps, exactly twenty-eight in number, was
begun, according to the design obtained from Rome by
Francesco Testa, who was then Fabbriciere. This
is for the information of those who think it is the
work of Pellegrini.”
Between this year and 1645 the four
Pilate chapels, the Ecce Homo, Caiaphas, Herod, present
Pieta, Sleeping Apostles, Agony in the Garden, and
Christ Nailed to the Cross chapels were either created
or reconstructed. These works bear d’Enrico’s
name in the guide-books, and he no doubt presided
over the work that was done in them; but I should
say that by far the greater number of the figures in
them are by Giacomo Ferro, his assistant, to whom
I will return presently, or by other pupils and assistants.
Only one chapel, the Transfiguration, belongs to
the second half of the seventeenth century, and one,
the Christ before Annas, to the eighteenth (1765);
one—the present Entombment—belongs
to the nineteenth, and one or two have been destroyed,
as has been unfortunately the case with the Chiesa
Vecchia; but the plan of the Sacro Monte in 1671, which
I here give, will show that it was not much different
then from what it is at present. The numbers
on the chapels are explained as follows:-
1. Gate. 2. Creation
of the world and Adam and Eve. 3. Annunciation.
4. Salutation. 5. First vision of St.
Joseph. 6. Magi. 7. Nativity. 8.
Circumcision. 9. Second vision of St. Joseph.
10. Flight into Egypt. 11. Massacre of
the Innocents. 12. Baptism. 13. Temptation.
14. Woman of Samaria. 15. Healing the
Paralytic. 16. Widow’s son at Nain. 17.
Transfiguration. 18. Raising of Lazarus. 19.
Entry into Jerusalem. 20. Last Supper. 21.
Agony in the Garden. 22. Sleeping Apostles.
23. Capture. 24. Caiaphas, and Penitence
of St. Peter. 25. Christ before Pilate. 26.
Christ before Herod. 27. Christ sent again
to Pilate. 28. Flagellation. 29. Crowning
with thorns. 30. Christ about to ascend the
Santa Scala (not shown on plan). 31. Ecce Homo.
32. Pilate washes his hands. 33. Christ
condemned to death. 34. Christ carrying the
Cross. 35. Nailing to the Cross. 36.
Passion. 37. Deposition from the Cross. 38.
Pieta. 39. Entombment (not shown on plan).
40. Chapel of St. Francis. 41. Holy Sepulchre.
42. Appearance to Mary Magdalene. 43.
Infancy of the Virgin. 44. Sepulchre of the
Virgin. 45. Sepulchre of St. Anne. 46.
Ascended Christ over the fountain. 47. Chiesa
Vecchia. 48. Chiesa Maggiore.
The view is a bird’s-eye one,
and there is hardly any hill in reality.