THE RELIGIOUS MOOD
45. The human soul and its limits,
the range of man’s inner experiences hitherto
attained, the heights, depths, and distances of these
experiences, the entire history of the soul up
to the present time, and its still
unexhausted possibilities: this is the preordained
hunting-domain for a born psychologist and lover of
a “big hunt”. But how often must he
say despairingly to himself: “A single
individual! alas, only a single individual! and this
great forest, this virgin forest!” So he would
like to have some hundreds of hunting assistants,
and fine trained hounds, that he could send into the
history of the human soul, to drive his game
together. In vain: again and again he experiences,
profoundly and bitterly, how difficult it is to find
assistants and dogs for all the things that directly
excite his curiosity. The evil of sending scholars
into new and dangerous hunting-domains, where courage,
sagacity, and subtlety in every sense are required,
is that they are no longer serviceable just when the
“Big hunt,” and also the great danger
commences,—it is precisely then that they
lose their keen eye and nose. In order, for instance,
to divine and determine what sort of history the problem
of knowledge and conscience has hitherto
had in the souls of homines religiosi, a person would
perhaps himself have to possess as profound, as bruised,
as immense an experience as the intellectual conscience
of Pascal; and then he would still require that wide-spread
heaven of clear, wicked spirituality, which, from
above, would be able to oversee, arrange, and effectively
formulize this mass of dangerous and painful experiences.—But
who could do me this service! And who would have
time to wait for such servants!—they evidently
appear too rarely, they are so improbable at all times!
Eventually one must do everything oneself in
order to know something; which means that one has
much to do!—But a curiosity like mine
is once for all the most agreeable of vices—pardon
me! I mean to say that the love of truth has
its reward in heaven, and already upon earth.
46. Faith, such as early Christianity
desired, and not infrequently achieved in the midst
of a skeptical and southernly free-spirited world,
which had centuries of struggle between philosophical
schools behind it and in it, counting besides the
education in tolerance which the Imperium Romanum gave—this
faith is not that sincere, austere slave-faith
by which perhaps a Luther or a Cromwell, or some other
northern barbarian of the spirit remained attached
to his God and Christianity, it is much rather the
faith of Pascal, which resembles in a terrible manner
a continuous suicide of reason—a tough,
long-lived, worm-like reason, which is not to be slain
at once and with a single blow. The Christian
faith from the beginning, is sacrifice the sacrifice
of all freedom, all pride, all self-confidence of
spirit, it is at the same time subjection, self-derision,
and self-mutilation. There is cruelty and religious
Phoenicianism in this faith, which is adapted to a
tender, many-sided, and very fastidious conscience,
it takes for granted that the subjection of the spirit
is indescribably painful, that all the past and
all the habits of such a spirit resist the absurdissimum,
in the form of which “faith” comes to
it. Modern men, with their obtuseness as regards
all Christian nomenclature, have no longer the sense
for the terribly superlative conception which was implied
to an antique taste by the paradox of the formula,
“God on the Cross”. Hitherto there
had never and nowhere been such boldness in inversion,
nor anything at once so dreadful, questioning, and
questionable as this formula: it promised a transvaluation
of all ancient values—It was the Orient,
the profound Orient, it was the Oriental slave
who thus took revenge on Rome and its noble, light-minded
toleration, on the Roman “Catholicism”
of non-faith, and it was always not the faith, but
the freedom from the faith, the half-stoical and smiling
indifference to the seriousness of the faith, which
made the slaves indignant at their masters and revolt
against them. “Enlightenment” causes
revolt, for the slave desires the unconditioned, he
understands nothing but the tyrannous, even in morals,
he loves as he hates, without NUANCE, to the very
depths, to the point of pain, to the point of sickness—his
many hidden sufferings make him revolt against
the noble taste which seems to deny suffering.
The skepticism with regard to suffering, fundamentally
only an attitude of aristocratic morality, was not
the least of the causes, also, of the last great slave-insurrection
which began with the French Revolution.
47. Wherever the religious neurosis
has appeared on the earth so far, we find it connected
with three dangerous prescriptions as to regimen:
solitude, fasting, and sexual abstinence—but
without its being possible to determine with certainty
which is cause and which is effect, or if any
relation at all of cause and effect exists there.
This latter doubt is justified by the fact that one
of the most regular symptoms among savage as well as
among civilized peoples is the most sudden and excessive
sensuality, which then with equal suddenness transforms
into penitential paroxysms, world-renunciation, and
will-renunciation, both symptoms perhaps explainable
as disguised epilepsy? But nowhere is it more
obligatory to put aside explanations around no other
type has there grown such a mass of absurdity and superstition,
no other type seems to have been more interesting to
men and even to philosophers—perhaps it
is time to become just a little indifferent here,
to learn caution, or, better still, to look away,
to go away—Yet in the background
of the most recent philosophy, that of Schopenhauer,
we find almost as the problem in itself, this terrible
note of interrogation of the religious crisis and
awakening. How is the negation of will possible?
how is the saint possible?—that seems to
have been the very question with which Schopenhauer
made a start and became a philosopher. And thus
it was a genuine Schopenhauerian consequence, that
his most convinced adherent (perhaps also his last,
as far as Germany is concerned), namely, Richard Wagner,
should bring his own life-work to an end just here,
and should finally put that terrible and eternal type
upon the stage as Kundry, type vecu, and as it loved
and lived, at the very time that the mad-doctors in
almost all European countries had an opportunity to
study the type close at hand, wherever the religious
neurosis—or as I call it, “the religious
mood”—made its latest epidemical outbreak
and display as the “Salvation Army”—If
it be a question, however, as to what has been so
extremely interesting to men of all sorts in all ages,
and even to philosophers, in the whole phenomenon of
the saint, it is undoubtedly the appearance of the
miraculous therein—namely, the immediate
succession of opposites, of states
of the soul regarded as morally antithetical:
it was believed here to be self-evident that a “bad
man” was all at once turned into a “saint,”
a good man. The hitherto existing psychology was
wrecked at this point, is it not possible it may have
happened principally because psychology had placed
itself under the dominion of morals, because it believed
in oppositions of moral values, and saw, read, and
interpreted these oppositions into the text and
facts of the case? What? “Miracle”
only an error of interpretation? A lack of philology?
48. It seems that the Latin races
are far more deeply attached to their Catholicism
than we Northerners are to Christianity generally,
and that consequently unbelief in Catholic countries
means something quite different from what it does among
Protestants—namely, a sort of revolt against
the spirit of the race, while with us it is rather
a return to the spirit (or non-spirit) of the race.
We Northerners undoubtedly derive
our origin from barbarous races, even as regards our
talents for religion—we have poor
talents for it. One may make an exception in the
case of the Celts, who have theretofore furnished
also the best soil for Christian infection in the
North: the Christian ideal blossomed forth in
France as much as ever the pale sun of the north would
allow it. How strangely pious for our taste are
still these later French skeptics, whenever there
is any Celtic blood in their origin! How Catholic,
how un-German does Auguste Comte’s Sociology
seem to us, with the Roman logic of its instincts!
How Jesuitical, that amiable and shrewd cicerone of
Port Royal, Sainte-Beuve, in spite of all his hostility
to Jesuits! And even Ernest Renan: how inaccessible
to us Northerners does the language of such a Renan
appear, in whom every instant the merest touch of
religious thrill throws his refined voluptuous and
comfortably couching soul off its balance! Let
us repeat after him these fine sentences—and
what wickedness and haughtiness is immediately aroused
by way of answer in our probably less beautiful but
harder souls, that is to say, in our more German souls!—“DISONS
DONC HARDIMENT que la religion est
un PRODUIT de L’HOMME normal,
que L’HOMME est le PLUS dans
le vrai QUANT il est le PLUS
RELIGIEUX et le PLUS ASSURE D’UNE DESTINEE
INFINIE. . . . C’est QUAND il
est bon QU’IL VEUT que la
VIRTU CORRESPONDE A un order eternal,
c’est QUAND il CONTEMPLE LES CHOSES
D’UNE MANIERE DESINTERESSEE QU’IL TROUVE
la MORT REVOLTANTE et ABSURDE. Comment
ne PAS SUPPOSER que c’est dans
CES moments-la, que L’HOMME VOIT
le MIEUX?” . . . These sentences are
so extremely ANTIPODAL to my ears and habits of thought,
that in my first impulse of rage on finding them,
I wrote on the margin, “LA niaiserie RELIGIEUSE
par EXCELLENCE!”—until in my
later rage I even took a fancy to them, these sentences
with their truth absolutely inverted! It is so
nice and such a distinction to have one’s own
antipodes!
49. That which is so astonishing
in the religious life of the ancient Greeks is the
irrestrainable stream of gratitude which it pours
forth—it is a very superior kind of man
who takes such an attitude towards nature and
life.—Later on, when the populace got the
upper hand in Greece, fear became rampant also
in religion; and Christianity was preparing itself.
50. The passion for God:
there are churlish, honest-hearted, and importunate
kinds of it, like that of Luther—the whole
of Protestantism lacks the southern DELICATEZZA.
There is an Oriental exaltation of the mind in it,
like that of an undeservedly favoured or elevated
slave, as in the case of St. Augustine, for instance,
who lacks in an offensive manner, all nobility in
bearing and desires. There is a feminine tenderness
and sensuality in it, which modestly and unconsciously
longs for a UNIO MYSTICA et PHYSICA, as in the
case of Madame de Guyon. In many cases it appears,
curiously enough, as the disguise of a girl’s
or youth’s puberty; here and there even as the
hysteria of an old maid, also as her last ambition.
The Church has frequently canonized the woman in such
a case.
51. The mightiest men have hitherto
always bowed reverently before the saint, as the enigma
of self-subjugation and utter voluntary privation—why
did they thus bow? They divined in him—
and as it were behind the questionableness of his frail
and wretched appearance—the superior force
which wished to test itself by such a subjugation;
the strength of will, in which they recognized their
own strength and love of power, and knew how to honour
it: they honoured something in themselves when
they honoured the saint. In addition to this,
the contemplation of the saint suggested to them a
suspicion: such an enormity of self-negation
and anti-naturalness will not have been coveted for
nothing—they have said, inquiringly.
There is perhaps a reason for it, some very great
danger, about which the ascetic might wish to be more
accurately informed through his secret interlocutors
and visitors? In a word, the mighty ones of the
world learned to have a new fear before him, they divined
a new power, a strange, still unconquered enemy:—it
was the “Will to Power” which obliged
them to halt before the saint. They had to question
him.
52. In the Jewish “Old
Testament,” the book of divine justice, there
are men, things, and sayings on such an immense scale,
that Greek and Indian literature has nothing to compare
with it. One stands with fear and reverence before
those stupendous remains of what man was formerly,
and one has sad thoughts about old Asia and its little
out-pushed peninsula Europe, which would like, by
all means, to figure before Asia as the “Progress
of Mankind.” To be sure, he who is himself
only a slender, tame house-animal, and knows only
the wants of a house-animal (like our cultured people
of today, including the Christians of “cultured”
Christianity), need neither be amazed nor even sad
amid those ruins—the taste for the Old
Testament is a touchstone with respect to “great”
and “small”: perhaps he will find
that the New Testament, the book of grace, still appeals
more to his heart (there is much of the odour of the
genuine, tender, stupid beadsman and petty soul in
it). To have bound up this New Testament (a kind
of rococo of taste in every respect) along with
the Old Testament into one book, as the “Bible,”
as “The Book in Itself,” is perhaps the
greatest audacity and “sin against the Spirit”
which literary Europe has upon its conscience.
53. Why Atheism nowadays?
“The father” in God is thoroughly refuted;
equally so “the judge,” “the rewarder.”
Also his “free will”: he does not
hear—and even if he did, he would not know
how to help. The worst is that he seems incapable
of communicating himself clearly; is he uncertain?—This
is what I have made out (by questioning and listening
at a variety of conversations) to be the cause of
the decline of European theism; it appears to me that
though the religious instinct is in vigorous growth,—it
rejects the theistic satisfaction with profound distrust.
54. What does all modern philosophy
mainly do? Since Descartes— and indeed
more in defiance of him than on the basis of his procedure—an
ATTENTAT has been made on the part of all philosophers
on the old conception of the soul, under the guise
of a criticism of the subject and predicate conception—that
is to say, an ATTENTAT on the fundamental presupposition
of Christian doctrine. Modern philosophy, as
epistemological skepticism, is secretly or openly
anti-Christian, although (for keener ears,
be it said) by no means anti-religious. Formerly,
in effect, one believed in “the soul”
as one believed in grammar and the grammatical subject:
one said, “I” is the condition, “think”
is the predicate and is conditioned—to think
is an activity for which one must suppose a subject
as cause. The attempt was then made, with marvelous
tenacity and subtlety, to see if one could not get
out of this net,—to see if the opposite
was not perhaps true: “think” the
condition, and “I” the conditioned; “I,”
therefore, only a synthesis which has been made
by thinking itself. Kant really wished to
prove that, starting from the subject, the subject
could not be proved—nor the object either:
the possibility of an apparent existence
of the subject, and therefore of “the soul,”
may not always have been strange to him,—the
thought which once had an immense power on earth as
the Vedanta philosophy.
55. There is a great ladder of
religious cruelty, with many rounds; but three of
these are the most important. Once on a time
men sacrificed human beings to their God, and perhaps
just those they loved the best—to this
category belong the firstling sacrifices of all primitive
religions, and also the sacrifice of the Emperor Tiberius
in the Mithra-Grotto on the Island of Capri, that
most terrible of all Roman anachronisms. Then,
during the moral epoch of mankind, they sacrificed
to their God the strongest instincts they possessed,
their “nature”; This festal joy shines
in the cruel glances of ascetics and “anti-natural”
fanatics. Finally, what still remained to be sacrificed?
Was it not necessary in the end for men to sacrifice
everything comforting, holy, healing, all hope, all
faith in hidden harmonies, in future blessedness and
justice? Was it not necessary to sacrifice God
himself, and out of cruelty to themselves to worship
stone, stupidity, gravity, fate, nothingness?
To sacrifice God for nothingness—this paradoxical
mystery of the ultimate cruelty has been reserved for
the rising generation; we all know something thereof
already.
56. Whoever, like myself, prompted
by some enigmatical desire, has long endeavoured to
go to the bottom of the question of pessimism and
free it from the half-Christian, half-German narrowness
and stupidity in which it has finally presented itself
to this century, namely, in the form of Schopenhauer’s
philosophy; whoever, with an Asiatic and super-Asiatic
eye, has actually looked inside, and into the most
world-renouncing of all possible modes of thought—beyond
good and evil, and no longer like Buddha and Schopenhauer,
under the dominion and delusion of morality,—whoever
has done this, has perhaps just thereby, without really
desiring it, opened his eyes to behold the opposite
ideal: the ideal of the most world-approving,
exuberant, and vivacious man, who has not only learnt
to compromise and arrange with that which was and
is, but wishes to have it again as it was
and is, for all eternity, insatiably calling
out da capo, not only to himself, but to the whole
piece and play; and not only the play, but actually
to him who requires the play—and makes
it necessary; because he always requires himself anew—and
makes himself necessary.—What? And
this would not be—circulus vitiosus deus?
57. The distance, and as it were
the space around man, grows with the strength of his
intellectual vision and insight: his world becomes
profounder; new stars, new enigmas, and notions are
ever coming into view. Perhaps everything on
which the intellectual eye has exercised its acuteness
and profundity has just been an occasion for its exercise,
something of a game, something for children and childish
minds. Perhaps the most solemn conceptions that
have caused the most fighting and suffering, the conceptions
“God” and “sin,” will one day
seem to us of no more importance than a child’s
plaything or a child’s pain seems to an old man;—
and perhaps another plaything and another pain will
then be necessary once more for “the old man”—always
childish enough, an eternal child!
58. Has it been observed to what
extent outward idleness, or semi-idleness, is necessary
to a real religious life (alike for its favourite
microscopic labour of self-examination, and for its
soft placidity called “prayer,” the state
of perpetual readiness for the “coming of God”),
I mean the idleness with a good conscience, the idleness
of olden times and of blood, to which the aristocratic
sentiment that work is DISHONOURING—that
it vulgarizes body and soul—is not quite
unfamiliar? And that consequently the modern,
noisy, time-engrossing, conceited, foolishly proud
laboriousness educates and prepares for “unbelief”
more than anything else? Among these, for instance,
who are at present living apart from religion in Germany,
I find “free-thinkers” of diversified
species and origin, but above all a majority of those
in whom laboriousness from generation to generation
has dissolved the religious instincts; so that they
no longer know what purpose religions serve, and only
note their existence in the world with a kind of dull
astonishment. They feel themselves already fully
occupied, these good people, be it by their business
or by their pleasures, not to mention the “Fatherland,”
and the newspapers, and their “family duties”;
it seems that they have no time whatever left for
religion; and above all, it is not obvious to them
whether it is a question of a new business or a new
pleasure—for it is impossible, they say
to themselves, that people should go to church merely
to spoil their tempers. They are by no means
enemies of religious customs; should certain circumstances,
State affairs perhaps, require their participation
in such customs, they do what is required, as so many
things are done—with a patient and unassuming
seriousness, and without much curiosity or discomfort;—they
live too much apart and outside to feel even the necessity
for a for or against in such matters.
Among those indifferent persons may be reckoned nowadays
the majority of German Protestants of the middle classes,
especially in the great laborious centres of trade
and commerce; also the majority of laborious scholars,
and the entire University personnel (with the exception
of the theologians, whose existence and possibility
there always gives psychologists new and more subtle
puzzles to solve). On the part of pious, or merely
church-going people, there is seldom any idea of how
much good-will, one might say arbitrary will,
is now necessary for a German scholar to take the
problem of religion seriously; his whole profession
(and as I have said, his whole workmanlike laboriousness,
to which he is compelled by his modern conscience)
inclines him to a lofty and almost charitable serenity
as regards religion, with which is occasionally mingled
a slight disdain for the “uncleanliness”
of spirit which he takes for granted wherever any
one still professes to belong to the Church.
It is only with the help of history (not through
his own personal experience, therefore) that the scholar
succeeds in bringing himself to a respectful seriousness,
and to a certain timid deference in presence of religions;
but even when his sentiments have reached the stage
of gratitude towards them, he has not personally advanced
one step nearer to that which still maintains itself
as Church or as piety; perhaps even the contrary.
The practical indifference to religious matters in
the midst of which he has been born and brought up,
usually sublimates itself in his case into circumspection
and cleanliness, which shuns contact with religious
men and things; and it may be just the depth of his
tolerance and humanity which prompts him to avoid
the delicate trouble which tolerance itself brings
with it.—Every age has its own divine type
of naivete, for the discovery of which other ages
may envy it: and how much naivete—adorable,
childlike, and boundlessly foolish naivete is involved
in this belief of the scholar in his superiority, in
the good conscience of his tolerance, in the unsuspecting,
simple certainty with which his instinct treats the
religious man as a lower and less valuable type, beyond,
before, and above which he himself has developed—he,
the little arrogant dwarf and mob-man, the sedulously
alert, head-and-hand drudge of “ideas,”
of “modern ideas”!
59. Whoever has seen deeply into
the world has doubtless divined what wisdom there
is in the fact that men are superficial. It is
their preservative instinct which teaches them to be
flighty, lightsome, and false. Here and there
one finds a passionate and exaggerated adoration of
“pure forms” in philosophers as well as
in artists: it is not to be doubted that whoever
has need of the cult of the superficial to that
extent, has at one time or another made an unlucky
dive beneath it. Perhaps there is even an
order of rank with respect to those burnt children,
the born artists who find the enjoyment of life only
in trying to FALSIFY its image (as if taking wearisome
revenge on it), one might guess to what degree life
has disgusted them, by the extent to which they wish
to see its image falsified, attenuated, ultrified,
and deified,—one might reckon the homines
religiosi among the artists, as their highest
rank. It is the profound, suspicious fear of
an incurable pessimism which compels whole centuries
to fasten their teeth into a religious interpretation
of existence: the fear of the instinct which
divines that truth might be attained too soon,
before man has become strong enough, hard enough,
artist enough. . . . Piety, the “Life in
God,” regarded in this light, would appear as
the most elaborate and ultimate product of the fear
of truth, as artist-adoration and artist-intoxication
in presence of the most logical of all falsifications,
as the will to the inversion of truth, to untruth
at any price. Perhaps there has hitherto been
no more effective means of beautifying man than piety,
by means of it man can become so artful, so superficial,
so iridescent, and so good, that his appearance no
longer offends.
60. To love mankind for
God’s sake—this has so far
been the noblest and remotest sentiment to which mankind
has attained. That love to mankind, without any
redeeming intention in the background, is only an
additional folly and brutishness, that the inclination
to this love has first to get its proportion, its
delicacy, its gram of salt and sprinkling of ambergris
from a higher inclination—whoever first
perceived and “experienced” this, however
his tongue may have stammered as it attempted to express
such a delicate matter, let him for all time be holy
and respected, as the man who has so far flown highest
and gone astray in the finest fashion!
61. The philosopher, as we
free spirits understand him—as the man
of the greatest responsibility, who has the conscience
for the general development of mankind,—will
use religion for his disciplining and educating work,
just as he will use the contemporary political and
economic conditions. The selecting and disciplining
influence—destructive, as well as creative
and fashioning—which can be exercised by
means of religion is manifold and varied, according
to the sort of people placed under its spell and protection.
For those who are strong and independent, destined
and trained to command, in whom the judgment and skill
of a ruling race is incorporated, religion is an additional
means for overcoming resistance in the exercise of
authority—as a bond which binds rulers and
subjects in common, betraying and surrendering to
the former the conscience of the latter, their inmost
heart, which would fain escape obedience. And
in the case of the unique natures of noble origin,
if by virtue of superior spirituality they should
incline to a more retired and contemplative life,
reserving to themselves only the more refined forms
of government (over chosen disciples or members of
an order), religion itself may be used as a means for
obtaining peace from the noise and trouble of managing
GROSSER affairs, and for securing immunity from the
unavoidable filth of all political agitation.
The Brahmins, for instance, understood this fact.
With the help of a religious organization, they secured
to themselves the power of nominating kings for the
people, while their sentiments prompted them to keep
apart and outside, as men with a higher and super-regal
mission. At the same time religion gives inducement
and opportunity to some of the subjects to qualify
themselves for future ruling and commanding the slowly
ascending ranks and classes, in which, through fortunate
marriage customs, volitional power and delight in
self-control are on the increase. To them religion
offers sufficient incentives and temptations to aspire
to higher intellectuality, and to experience the sentiments
of authoritative self-control, of silence, and of
solitude. Asceticism and Puritanism are almost
indispensable means of educating and ennobling a race
which seeks to rise above its hereditary baseness
and work itself upwards to future supremacy.
And finally, to ordinary men, to the majority of the
people, who exist for service and general utility,
and are only so far entitled to exist, religion gives
invaluable contentedness with their lot and condition,
peace of heart, ennoblement of obedience, additional
social happiness and sympathy, with something of transfiguration
and embellishment, something of justification of all
the commonplaceness, all the meanness, all the semi-animal
poverty of their souls. Religion, together with
the religious significance of life, sheds sunshine
over such perpetually harassed men, and makes even
their own aspect endurable to them, it operates upon
them as the Epicurean philosophy usually operates
upon sufferers of a higher order, in a refreshing
and refining manner, almost turning suffering
to account, and in the end even hallowing
and vindicating it. There is perhaps nothing
so admirable in Christianity and Buddhism as their
art of teaching even the lowest to elevate themselves
by piety to a seemingly higher order of things, and
thereby to retain their satisfaction with the actual
world in which they find it difficult enough to live—this
very difficulty being necessary.
62. To be sure—to
make also the bad counter-reckoning against such religions,
and to bring to light their secret dangers—the
cost is always excessive and terrible when religions
do not operate as an educational and disciplinary
medium in the hands of the philosopher, but rule voluntarily
and PARAMOUNTLY, when they wish to be the final end,
and not a means along with other means. Among
men, as among all other animals, there is a surplus
of defective, diseased, degenerating, infirm, and
necessarily suffering individuals; the successful
cases, among men also, are always the exception; and
in view of the fact that man is the animal
not yet properly adapted to
his environment, the rare exception.
But worse still. The higher the type a man represents,
the greater is the improbability that he will succeed;
the accidental, the law of irrationality in the general
constitution of mankind, manifests itself most terribly
in its destructive effect on the higher orders of
men, the conditions of whose lives are delicate, diverse,
and difficult to determine. What, then, is the
attitude of the two greatest religions above-mentioned
to the surplus of failures in life? They
endeavour to preserve and keep alive whatever can
be preserved; in fact, as the religions for sufferers,
they take the part of these upon principle; they are
always in favour of those who suffer from life as from
a disease, and they would fain treat every other experience
of life as false and impossible. However highly
we may esteem this indulgent and preservative care
(inasmuch as in applying to others, it has applied,
and applies also to the highest and usually the most
suffering type of man), the hitherto PARAMOUNT religions—to
give a general appreciation of them—are
among the principal causes which have kept the type
of “man” upon a lower level—they
have preserved too much that which should
have PERISHED. One has to thank them for invaluable
services; and who is sufficiently rich in gratitude
not to feel poor at the contemplation of all that
the “spiritual men” of Christianity have
done for Europe hitherto! But when they had given
comfort to the sufferers, courage to the oppressed
and despairing, a staff and support to the helpless,
and when they had allured from society into convents
and spiritual penitentiaries the broken-hearted and
distracted: what else had they to do in order
to work systematically in that fashion, and with a
good conscience, for the preservation of all the sick
and suffering, which means, in deed and in truth,
to work for the deterioration of the
European race? To reverse all
estimates of value—that is what they
had to do! And to shatter the strong, to spoil
great hopes, to cast suspicion on the delight in beauty,
to break down everything autonomous, manly, conquering,
and imperious—all instincts which are natural
to the highest and most successful type of “man”—
into uncertainty, distress of conscience, and self-destruction;
forsooth, to invert all love of the earthly and of
supremacy over the earth, into hatred of the earth
and earthly things—that is the task
the Church imposed on itself, and was obliged to impose,
until, according to its standard of value, “unworldliness,”
“unsensuousness,” and “higher man”
fused into one sentiment. If one could observe
the strangely painful, equally coarse and refined
comedy of European Christianity with the derisive and
impartial eye of an Epicurean god, I should think one
would never cease marvelling and laughing; does it
not actually seem that some single will has ruled
over Europe for eighteen centuries in order to make
a sublime ABORTION of man? He, however, who,
with opposite requirements (no longer Epicurean) and
with some divine hammer in his hand, could approach
this almost voluntary degeneration and stunting of
mankind, as exemplified in the European Christian
(Pascal, for instance), would he not have to cry aloud
with rage, pity, and horror: “Oh, you bunglers,
presumptuous pitiful bunglers, what have you done!
Was that a work for your hands? How you have
hacked and botched my finest stone! What have
you presumed to do!”—I should say
that Christianity has hitherto been the most portentous
of presumptions. Men, not great enough, nor hard
enough, to be entitled as artists to take part in
fashioning man; men, not sufficiently strong
and far-sighted to allow, with sublime self-constraint,
the obvious law of the thousandfold failures and perishings
to prevail; men, not sufficiently noble to see the
radically different grades of rank and intervals of
rank that separate man from man:—Such
men, with their “equality before God,”
have hitherto swayed the destiny of Europe; until at
last a dwarfed, almost ludicrous species has been
produced, a gregarious animal, something obliging,
sickly, mediocre, the European of the present day.